Vs 


wine 


erat vests: 
Hatha 


isi SIU 


Pett meme ahh 
eee hei 4 


rene 
has 8 345 
“ed 


panies in 
Reaatmecnanen 
ih bys “ Pe a; 
ORCA taere 
i cerca 


poeanaae 
<a 
oe 


: 








Bie ooo dca) 22 

Jackson, A. V. Williams 186 
-1937 

Zoroaster 


mi 


” 4 iT +" 
ib ee 


(eA 
uy ny ¢ 





Pe ea Ab fi 3 
Alt aes tH ES 


| - te 
ii A 
be 
* 
i} 
| 
1 
A iy 
i 
al 
} 
j AVY 
hae 
‘ j 
1 
4 
uf 4 ih 
mC Uy eA 
i] al i, B? 
aL 
: » 
ule 
i 
5 
’ 
| 
= 
' 
ae 
7" 
Y 
} iu 





ZOROASTER 


THE PROPHET OF ANCIENT IRAN 


ZOROASTER 


THE PROPHET OF ANCIENT IRAN 


BY 


A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON 


PROFESSOR OF INDO-IRANIAN LANGUAGES 
IN COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 





New Bork 


PUBLISHED FOR THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS BY 
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 
LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Lrp. 

1899 


All rights reserved 


CoryRIGHT, 1898, 
By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. 


Nortwood ¥press 
J. S. Cushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith 
Norwood Mass. U.S.A. 


To 
DR. E. W. WEST 


AS A MARK OF REGARD 


‘ 


lth 


t 
Py 


eri 
en 


ay ae 
1) rer 


oT 
ly ah 
2A east 





PREFACE 


Tus work deals with the life and legend of Zoroaster, the 
Prophet of Ancient Iran, the representative and type of the 
laws of the Medes and Persians, the Master whose teaching 
the Parsis to-day still faithfully follow. It is a biographical 
study based on tradition; tradition is a phase of history, and it 
is the purpose of the volume to present the picture of Zoroaster 
as far as possible in its historic light. 

The suggestion which first inspired me to deal with this 
special theme came from my friend and teacher, Professor 
Geldner of Berlin, at the time when I was a student under 
him, ten years ago, at the University of Halle in Germany, and 
when he was lecturing for the term upon the life and teachings 
of Zoroaster. It was from him that I received my earliest 
vivid impression of the historic reality of the Ancient Sage. 
The special material for the work, however, has grown out of 
my own lectures, delivered several times in the regular uni- 
versity curriculum of Columbia. Students who may have 
attended the course will perhaps recognize some of the ideas 
as discussed with them in the class. As I have had the prepa- 
ration of this volume in view for some time, I have naturally 
been constantly adding to my material or collecting new facts 
to throw light on the subject. It is the aim of the book to 
bring together all that is generally known at the present time, 
either from history or from tradition, about this religious 
teacher of the East. 

Our knowledge of Zoroaster has been greatly augmented 
from the traditional side, during the past few years, especially 
through the translations made by Dr. West from the Pahlavi 


texts. This mass of Zoroastrian patristic literature tends 
Nil). 


vill PREFACE 


largely to substantiate much that was formerly regarded as 
somewhat legendary or uncertain. This has resulted in plac- 
ing actual tradition on a much firmer basis and in making 
Zoroaster seem a more real and living personage. It is the 
object of the book to bring out into bolder relief historically 
the figure of this religious leader. In emphasizing more 
especially the reality of the great Master’s life instead of 
elaborating the more mythical views of Zarathushtra which 
prevailed not so long ago, I may, in the judgment of some, 
have gone too far on the side of realism. But if I have done 
so, it seems to me that this is a fault at least in the right 
direction if we may forecast the future from the present. I 
can but feel that the old writers, hke Anquetil du Perron, 
were nearer the truth in certain of their views of Zoroaster, 
than has sometimes been supposed. In taking a position so 
much in accord with tradition with regard to Zarathushtra I 
might adopt the plea which the old Armenian annalist, Moses of 
Kkhorene, employs in another connection: ‘there may be much 
that is untrue in these stories, there may be much that is 
true ; but to me, at least, they seem to contain truth.’ I may 
only add that in general where there is so much smoke there 
must also be fire, and in the book I hope that others may 
discern some sparks of the true flame amid the cloud. 

As to the arrangement of material and the form of the work, 
I have sought to make the first half of the volume more general; 
the second half I have allowed to be more technical. The story 
of the life and ministry of the Prophet is told in twelve chap- 
ters ; the more critical discussion of mooted points is reserved 
for the Appendixes. The general reader may also omit all notes 
at the bottom of the pages. 

In respect to the spelling of proper names the plan has gener- 
uly been, in the case of Zoroaster, to employ Zarathushtra, 
Zaratisht, or Zardusht, respectively, if it seemed necessary at 
any point to indicate the special sources from which I was 
drawing or to distinguish between Avestan, Pahlavi, and Modern 


PREFACE ix 


Persian. I have otherwise called the Prophet by his more 
familiar name of Zoroaster. The same holds true of his patron 
Vishtaspa, Vishtasp, Gushtasp, and of other ancient names. 
I have furthermore aimed at giving authority for all statements 
that I have made, as the abundant references to the original 
sources and the citations will show. 

With regard to indebtedness, I have always tried to give 
credit to my predecessors and fellow-workers in the field; a 
glance at the footnotes, I think, will prove this. Each of those 
to whom I am under obligation will best recognize my in- 
debtedness, and will best be aware of my appreciation. I 
should like to have referred also to Professor Tiele’s latest 
book, which deals with the religion of Iran, because some 
twenty of its interesting pages are devoted to Zarathushtra ; 
it arrived after my work was all printed, so I have been able 
only to add the title in my bibliographical list on p. xv, and 
to draw attention to the points which are of importance in 
connection with the present subject. Furthermore, in various 
parts of my volume I have made acknowledgment to several 
friends for kind aid which they have readily given on special 
points, and which I shall gratefully remember. 

I now wish to express to the Trustees of the Columbia 
University Press my appreciation of their encouragement 
given to me to carry out the work; and I desire especially 
to thank President Seth Low for the personal interest he 
has taken in the book from the beginning, and to acknow- 
ledge the kind helpfulness of Dean Nicholas Murray Butler 
in all matters of detail. The Macmillan Company, likewise, 
have been constantly ready to meet my wishes in every re- 
gard; and I owe my thanks also to the printing firm of 
Messrs. Cushing and Company, to their compositors and 
their proof-readers, for their careful and prompt despatch of 
the work. 

But beside these acknowledgments there remain two friends 
to mention, who come in for a large share of remembrance. 


x PREFACE 


These are my two pupils, Mr. Louis H. Gray, Fellow in Indo- 
Iranian Languages in Columbia University, and Mr. Mont- 
gomery Schuyler, Jr., a member of the class of 1899 in the 
College, who has been studying Sanskrit and Avestan for 
the last two years. Since the first proof-sheets arrived, these 
two generous helpers have been unflagging in their zeal and 
willingness to contribute, in any way that they could, to giv- 
ing accuracy to the book. Mr. Gray’s indefatigable labor and 
scholarly acumen are especially to be seen in Appendix V., the 
completeness of which is due to his untiring readiness to pur- 
sue the search farther for texts that might hitherto have 
escaped notice; and to Mr. Schuyler’s hand is owed many a 
happy suggestion that otherwise would have been lacking in 
the book, and more than one correction that without his aid 
might have been overlooked. ‘To both of these scholars I wish 
to express my thanks; and I feel that they also will recall 
with pleasure the happy hours spent together in work as 
chapter after chapter came from the printer’s hand. orsan 
et haec olim meminisse juvabit. 

And now I send the book forth, hoping that in some meas- 
ure it may contribute to a more general knowledge of this Sage | 
of the Past, the Persian Prophet of old, the forerunner of 
those Wise Men of the East who came and bowed before the 
majesty of the new-born Light of the World. 


A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON. 


CoLuMBIA UNIVERSITY, 
IN THE City OF NEW YORK, 
October, 1898. 


LIST OF WORKS CONNECTED WITH THE SUBJECT 
OR MOST OFTEN CONSULTED 


[The other books which have been referred to are given with their titles as occasion 
arises to quote from them or to refer to them. The present list is therefore 
very abridged. |] 


Anquetil du Perron. Zend-Avesta, Ouvrage de Zoroastre. Tome I. 1, 2 et 
Tome II. Paris, 1771. 


‘Vie de Zoroastre’ (i. Part 2, pp. 1-70) ; very important. German translation 
by Kleuker, Zend-Avesta, Thl. 3, pp. 1-48; excerpts in English by K. E. Kanga. 
Bombay, 1876. 


Avesta. The Sacred Books of the Parsis. Edited by Karl F. Geldner. 
Stuttgart, 1885-1896. 


All Avestan references are made to this edition except in the case of Yashts 
22-24, for which Westergaard’s edition was used. The Fragments are found in 
Darmesteter, Le Zend-Avesta, iii. 1-166. 


Ayuso, F.G. Los Pueblos Iranios y Zoroastro. Madrid, 1874. 


This volume of studies shows sympathy for tradition. Z. born in the west 
(p. 7); his date is placed in the Vedic Period, B.c. 2000-1800 (p. 14, cf. pp. 147- 
149), but confused by tradition with another Z. who lived about B.c. 600 (p. 15). 


Brisson, Barnabé. Barnabae Brissonii, De Regio Persarum Principatu Libri 
Tres. Argentorati, 1710 (orig. ed. 1590). 


Consult especially the full indexes at the end of the edition. 


Dabistan. The Dabistan, or School of Manners. Translated from the Origi- 
nal Persian. By Shea and Troyer. 3 vols. Paris, 1843. 


Darab Dastur Peshotan Sanjana. Geiger’s Civilization of the Eastern Iranians 
in Ancient Times. Translated fromthe German. (Ostiranische Kultur.) 
2 vols. London, 1885-1886. 


Contains also a translation of Spiegel’s Essay on Gushtasp and Zoroaster 
(from Eranische Alterthumskunde). 


xi 


xil LIST OF WORKS 


— Zarathushtra in the Gathas and in the Greek and Roman classics. 
Translated from the German of Drs. Geiger and Windischmann, with 
Notes and an Appendix. Leipzig, 1897. 


See also Windischmann and Geiger. 
Darmesteter, James. The Zend Avesta. Translated. Sacred Books of the 


East, vols. iv., xxiii. Oxford, 1880, 1883, and vol. iv. in second ed., 
1895. 

Darmesteter, J. Le Zend Avesta, Traduction nouvelle avec Commentaire 
historique et philologique. 3 vols. Paris, 1892-1893. (Annales du 
Musée Guimet, xxi., xxil., xxiv.) 

This valuable work has been constantly consulted on points relating to the 
Avesta. 


Dasatir. The Desatir, or Sacred Writings of the Ancient Persian Prophets 
in the Original Tongue; together with the Ancient Persian Version 
and Commentary of the Fifth Sasan. Published by Mulla Firuz Bin 
Kaus. An English translation. 2 vols. Bombay, 1818. 


Dosabhai Framji Karaka. History of the Parsis. 2 vols. London, 1884. 
Especially vol. 2, chap. 2, pp. 146-164. 
Duncker, M. History of Antiquity. English translation by E. Abbott. 
Vol. 5. London, 1881. 
Firdausi. See Shah Namah. 


Geiger, Wilhelm. Das Yatkar-i Zariran und sein Verhaltnis zum Sah-name. 
Sitzb. der philos. philol. und histor. Cl. d. k. bayer. Ak. d. Wiss., 1890. 
Bd. ii. Heft 1, pp. 43-84. Miinchen, 1890. 


— Ostiranische Kultur im Altertum. Erlangen, 1882. 
English transl. by Darab D. P. Sanjana. See above. 
Geiger. Zarathushtra in den Gathas. A Discourse. Translated by Darab 
D. P. Sanjana. 
See above. 
Geldner, K. F. Article ‘Zoroaster.’ Encyclopedia Britannica, xxiv., 820-823 


(9th ed.), 1888. Also forthcoming article, ‘Persian Religion,’ in 
Encyclopedia Biblica, ed. Cheyne and Black (read in manuscript). 


Gottheil, R. J. H. References to Zoroaster in Syriac and Arabic Literature. 
In Classical Studies in Honour of Henry Drisler, New York, 1894. 
pp- 24-51 (Columbia University Press). 

Very useful and constantly referred to. 


Grundriss der iranischen Philologie. Hrsg. von W. Geiger und E. Kuhn. 
Strassburg, 1896—. 


LIST OF WORKS xili 


Harlez, C. de. Avesta, Livre Sacré du Zoroastrisme. Traduit du Texte 
Zend. 2™e éd. Paris, 1881. 


Valuable Introduction; Chap. II., pp. xviii.-xxxii., ‘ Zoroastre.’ 


~—* Haug, M. Essays on the Parsis. Third ed. Edited and enlarged by 
E. W. West. London, 1884. 


Especially Essay IV. 
Holty, A. Zoroaster und sein Zeitalter. Liineburg, 1836. 


Horn, P. Die Reiche der Meder und Perser. (Geschichte und Kultur. Die 
Religion Zoroaster’s.) Hellwalds Kulturgeschichte. 4 Auflage, Bd. i. 
301-332. 1897. 


Hovelacque, A. L’Avesta, Zoroastre et le Mazdéisme. . Paris, 1880. 
Sketch of Zoroaster, pp. 134-149. 


Hyde, T. Historia Religionis veterum Persarum eorumque Magorum. 
Oxon. 1700. 


A fund of information. Citations after this first edition. 


Justi, Ferd. Die iilteste iranische Religion und ihr Stifter Zarathustra. In 
Preussische Jahrbiicher. Bd. 88, pp. 55-86, 231-262. Berlin, 1897. 


— Handbuch der Zendsprache. Leipzig, 1864. 
— Iranisches Namenbuch. Marburg, 1895. 


Consulted on all proper names. 


Kanga, Kavasji Edalji. Extracts from Anquetil du Perron’s Life and Re- 
ligion of Zoroaster. Translated from the French. Bombay, 1876. 
(Commercial Press.) 


Kleuker, J. F. Zend-Avesta, Zoroasters Lebendiges Wort. 1 Bd., 3 Thle., 
und 2 Bde., 5 Thle. Riga, 1776-1783. 


Translated from the French of Anquetil du Perron. The ‘ Anhainge’ contain 
valuable material from the classics and other sources. Often consulted. 


Ménant, Joachim. Zoroastre. Essai sur la Philosophie Religieuse de la 
Perse. 2™¢ éd. Paris, 1857. 


General in character. e 
Meyer, Ed. Geschichte des Alterthums. Erster Band. Stuttgart, 1884. 


Mills, L.H. A Study of the Five Zarathushtrian (Zoroastrian) Gathas, with 
texts and translations. Oxford and Leipzig, 1892-1894. 


Always consulted on points relating to the Pahlavi version ss the Gathas. 
See also SBE. xxxi. 


\/ 


Y 


X1V LIST OF WORKS 


Mirkhond. History of the Early Kings of Persia. Translated from the 
original Persian, by Shea. London, 1882. 


Especially pp. 263-337. 
Mohl. See Shah Namah. 


Miiller, F. Max. Ed. Sacred Books of the East. Oxford. 
Especially the translations by E. W. West, Darmesteter, Mills. 


Noldeke, Th. Persische Studien, IJ. Sitzb. d. k. Ak. d. Wiss. in Wien, phil. 
hist. Cl. Bd. cxxvi. 1-46. Wien, 1892. 


Oldenberg, Hermann. Zarathushtra. Deutsche Rundschau, xiv. Heft 12, 
pp- 402-437, September, 1898. 


A sketch interestingly written. It arrived too late to be referred to in the 
body of the book. On p. 409 of his article, Professor Oldenberg gives expres- 
sion to his view of Z.’s date, which he says, however, is ‘merely a subjective 
estimate,’ placing Zoroaster about B.C. 900-800, without discussing the question. 

Pastoret, M. de. Zoroastre, Confucius, et Mahomet. Seconde éd. Paris, 
1738. 


Like Brisson, Hyde, and other old writers, this briefly notes some of the 
material accessible at the time. Seldom consulted. 


Ragozin, Zénaide A. The Story of Media, Babylon, and Persia. (Story of 
the Nations Series.) New York, 1888. 


Rapp. Die Religion und Sitte der Perser und tibrigen Iranier nach den 
griechischen und rémischen Quellen. ZDMG. xix. 1-89; xx. 49-204. 
Translated into English by K. R. Cama. Bombay, 1876-1879. 


Shah Namah. Firdusii Liber Regium qui inscribitur Shah Name, ed. Vul- 
lers (et Landauer). Tom. 3. Lugd. 1877-1884. 


—~— Le Livre des Rois par Abou’l Kasim Firdousi, traduit et commenté 
par Jules Mohl. 7 vols. Paris, 1876-1878. 


Quotations are based on this translation. 


— The Shah Nameh of the Persian Poet Firdausi. Transl. and 
abridged in prose and verse. By James Atkinson. London and New 
York, 1886. (Chandos Classics.) 

Especially pp. 246-313. See also Noldeke, Grundriss, ii. 207 n. 6. 


Spiegel, Fr. Avesta, die heiligen Schriften der Parsen. Uebersetzt. 3 Bde. 
Leipzig, 1852-1863. 


—— Ueber das Leben Zarathustra’s, in Sitzb. der kgl. bayer. Akad. der 
Wiss. zu Miinchen, 5, January, 1867, pp. 1-92. Miinchen, 1867. 


Most of this monograph is incorporated into Spiegel’s following book. 


LIST OF WORKS XV 


—— Eranische Alterthumskunde. 3 vols. Leipzig, 1871-1878. 
The chapter entitled ‘Die letzten Kaianier und Zarathushtra’ (Bd. i. 659-724), 
is important here, and is accessible in English by Darab D. P. Sanjana. See 
above. 


Tiele, C.P. De Godsdienst van Zarathustra, van haar ontstaan in Baktrié 
tot den val van het Oud-Perzische Rijk. Haarlem, 1864. 


— Geschiedenis van den Godsdienst. Amsterdam, 1876. 


—— Jets over de Oudheid van het Avesta. Mededeelingen der K. Ak. 
van Wetenschappen, xi., 3de R., pp. 364-383. Amsterdam, 1895. 


Does not accept Darmesteter’s view as to late origin of the Avesta; finds 
traces of Zoroastrianism in the first half of the seventh century B.c. 


—— Geschichte der Religion im Altertum bis auf Alexander den Grossen. 
Deutsche autorisierte Ausgabe von G. Gehrich. 11 Band. Die Reli- 
gion bei den iranischen Vélkern. Erste Hiilfte, pp. 1-157. Gotha, 1898. 


This excellent volume dealing with the religion of Iran arrived too late to 
quote from or to mention except here in the Preface, because the rest of my book 
was already in the press. I should otherwise certainly have referred to such 
pages in the work as bear upon Zoroaster, for example the following: pp. 37-38, 
Gaotema is not identified with Buddha, but rather with the Vedic sage (ef. pp. 
177-178 of the present volume) ; p. 49, age of the Avesta, the oldest passages of 
the Younger Avesta, according to Professor Tiele, are to be placed not much 
later than B.c. 800, although they were not necessarily at that time in their 
present form of redaction; p. 54, allusions to Phraortes and Kyaxares; p. 54, 
Atropatane; p. 58, Bactrian kingdom; p. 92, Zoroaster in the Gathas; p. 98, al- 
lusions to Z.’s name and its meaning; pp. 99-107, question as to his historical, 
legendary, or mythical existence; p. 121, the cradle of the Zoroastrian reform 
is to be sought in the north and northwest of Iran, whence it spread prob- 
ably first toward the east and southeast of Bactria, even as far as India; thence 
to the south into Media Proper and Persia. 


Vullers, J. A. Fragmente iiber die Religion des Zoroaster, aus dem Per- 
sischen iibersetzt. Bonn, 1831. 
Notes useful. 
—\ West, E.W. Pahlavi Texts translated. Parts 1, 2,3,4,5. Sacred Books 
of the East, ed. F. Max Miiller, vols. v., xvili., xxiv., Xxxvil., xlvii. 
Constantly used. Pahlavi quotations in translation are from these volumes. 
Wilson, John. The Parsi Religion: as contained in the Zand-Avasta. Bom- 
bay, 18438. 


The Appendix contains a translation of the Zartusht-Namah by E. B. East- 
wick. Often quoted. 


Windischmann, Fr. Zoroastrische Studien. Abhandlungen, hrsg. von Fr. 
Spiegel. Berlin, 1863. 


Valuable material; excerpts accessible now also in English translation by 
Darab Dastur Peshotan Sanjana. Often consulted. 


. om 
ibe: 

7 1G H 
- oe sh 


pene Maas yaa 


“a mn Wh wn hig 


i » Ae 7 oye 
is oe : Hi ‘ Nn i waa , 
a neat ate, A 


i ‘ o me i) ve } ay 44) : 





CONTENTS 


CHAPTER I 


INTRODUCTION 
PAGE 
Zoroaster’s Position among Early Religious Teachers — Zoroaster and 


Buddha — Plan and Scope of the Present Work — Zoroaster as a 
Historical Personage — Sources of Information — Zoroaster in 


the Classics—Conclusion . é : A : i F elo 


CHAPTER I 
FAMILY HISTORY OF ZOROASTER 
THE LINEAGE OF THE MASTER 


Introduction — Zoroaster an Iranian—The Name Zoroaster (Zara- 
thushtra), its Form and its Meaning — The Date of Zoroaster — 
His Native Place — Zoroaster’s Ancestry and his Family; Gene- 
alogies—Conclusion . 5 ; : ; 2 : : 10-22 


CHAPTER III 
EARLY LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATION 
THE LIFE OF THE PROPHET UNTIL THE AGE OF THIRTY 


Introduction — Prophecies of the Coming of Zoroaster, and the Mira- 
cles before his Birth — Birth and Childhood of Zoroaster accord- 
ing to Tradition — Zoroaster’s Youth and Education — Period of 
Religious Preparation— Conclusion . : ° : : 23-35 
xvii 


XVill CONTENTS 


CHAPTER IV 
THE REVELATION 


ZOROASTER’S SEVEN VISIONS AND THE FIRST TEN YEARS 
OF THE RELIGION 


Introductory Survey — Sources of Information and what we gather 
from them —‘The Revelation’ — First Vision, Conference with 
Ahura Mazda—Second Vision, Vohu Manah—Scenes and Cir- 
cumstances of the Remaining Visions and Conferences with the 
Archangels — The Temptation of Zoroaster — Maidhyoi-Maonha, 


PAGE 


his First Disciple— Conclusion. : ; : : : 36-55 


CHAPTER V 
TRIUMPH 


THE CONVERSION OF KING VISHTASPA IN THE TWELFTH 
YEAR OF THE FAITH 


Introduction — Zoroaster seeks Vishtaspa— Meeting between Zara- 
tisht and Vishtaisp— Zaratisht disputes with the Wise Men — 
Conspiracy against him; his Imprisonment—The Episode of 


the Black Horse —Complete Conversion of Vishtasp — Coming 


of the Archangels — Vishtasp’s Vision — Conclusion . 5 56-68 


CHAPTER VI 
THE COURT OF VISHTASPA AND ITS CONVERSION 
THE GATHAS OR ZOROASTRIAN PSALMS 


Zoroaster’s Patron Vishtaspa — Romantic Story of his Youth — Influ- 
ence of Vishtaspa’s adopting the New Faith — Members of Vish- 
taspa’s Court; Immediate Conversions; Living Personalities in 
the Gathas —Other Members of the Court Circle converted — 


Conclusion . ; - : ‘ 5 : é ‘ 69-79 


CONTENTS xix 


CHAPTER VII 
PROMULGATION OF THE GOSPEL 


EARLY RELIGIOUS PROPAGANDA 


PAGE 
Introduction, the Cypress of Kishmar— Conversions more Numerous; 


Spread of the Gospel; Early Religious Propaganda — Spread of 
the Religion in Iran—Some Conversions in Turan— Averred 
Conversions of Hindus — Story of the Brahman ‘ Cangranghacah’ 
— The Hindu Sage ‘Biais’— Fabled Greek Conversions — Did 
Zoroaster visit Babylon ? — Conclusion : ; : : 80-92 


CHAPTER VII 
DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGION 
THE NEXT FEW YEARS OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 


Introduction — Record of a Noteworthy Conversion — Tradition of 
Zoroaster’s Healing a Blind Man — Question of Zoroaster’s 
Scientific Knowledge — Other Items of Interest, Incidents, and 
Events — The Sacred Fires— Conclusion . : : . 93-101 


CHAPTER IX 
THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM 
THE LAST TWENTY YEARS OF ZOROASTER’S LIFE 


Introduction — Religious Warfare in the Avesta— Arejat-aspa, or 
Arjasp and the Holy Wars— Outbreak of Hostilities; Causes 
and Dates — Arjasp’s Ultimatum — His First Invasion ; the Holy 
War begins — Arjasp’s Army and its Leaders— Vishtasp’s Army 
and its Commanders— Battles of the First War — Isfendiar as 
Crusader, and the Following Events — Arjasp’s Second Invasion ; 
the Last Holy War—Summary . 5 ; : - - 102-123 


xX CONTENTS 


CHAPTER X 
THE DEATH OF ZOROASTER 
THE END OF A GREAT PROPHETIC CAREER 


PAGE 
Introduction — Greek and Latin Accounts of Zoroaster’s Death by 


Lightning or a Flame from Heaven — The Iranian Tradition of 
his Death at the Hand of an Enemy—Conclusion . 124-132 


CHAPTER XI 
THE SEQUENCE OF EVENTS AFTER ZOROASTER’S DEATH 
THE LATER FORTUNE OF THE FAITH 


Introductory Statements; the Course of Events — The First Ten Years 
after Zoroaster’s Death — Evidence of Further Spread of the Re- 
ligion — Death of the First Apostles — Later Disciples and Suc- 
cessors — Prophecies and Future Events—Summary . . 133-139 


CHAPTER XII 
CONCLUSION 


Brief Résumé of Zoroaster’s Life— General Deductions, Summary and 
Conclusion. : : : ; : . : : . 140-148 


APPENDIX I 
SUGGESTED EXPLANATIONS OF ZOROASTER’S NAME 


Short Sketch of the Principal Etymologies or Explanations of Zoro- 
aster’s Name that have been suggested from Ancient Times down 
to the Present . : : : : - : - ‘ . 147-149 


CONTENTS XX1 


APPENDIX I 


ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 
PAGE 
Introduction — First, a Discussion of those References that assign to 


Zoroaster the Extravagant Date of B.c. 6000—Second, Allu- 
sions that connect his Name with Ninus and Semiramis — Third, 
the Traditional Date which places the Era of Zoroaster’s Teach- 
ing at Some Time during the Sixth Century B.c.— Conclusion 150-178 


APPENDIX III 


DR. WEST’S TABLES OF ZOROASTRIAN CHRONOLOGY 


A Series of Tables of Zoroastrian Chronology deduced by West basing 
his Calculations upon the Millennial System of the Bundahishn 179-181 


APPENDIX IV 
ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE AND THE SCENE OF HIS MINISTRY 


Introduction — Classical References as to Zoroaster’s Native Place — 
The Oriental Tradition — Discussion ‘as to whether Eastern Iran 
or Western Iran is rather to be regarded as the Scene of Zoro- 
aster’s Ministry ——General Summary . : : : . 182-225 


APPENDIX V 
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 


Passages in Greek and Latin Authors in which Zoroaster’s Name is 
mentioned or Some Statement is made regarding him— The So- 
called Zoroastrian Logia or Oracles’. 5 : : . 226-273 


APPENDIX VI 


ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN VARIOUS OTHER OLDER 
LITERATURES 


Armenian Allusions — Chinese Allusions — Syriac, Arabic, and Other 
Mohammedan or Persian References—Icelandic Allusion . 274-287 


Xxli CONTENTS 


APPENDIX Vil 


NOTES ON SCULPTURES SUPPOSED TO REPRESENT 
ZOROASTER 


PAGE 
A Syriac Tradition of an Image of Zaradusht — Mention of a Picture 


in the Fire-Temple at Yezd — Reproduction of an Idealized Por- 
trait— The Takht-i Bostan Sculpture, Discussion — Other Sup- 
posed Representations . . : : : : : . 288-294 


INDEX ec i ; ‘ 2 . ; 5 , é ‘ . 295-3116 


Map Anp Kry : ; A A ‘ : 5 F : . 17-318 


ABBREVIATIONS 


[Chiefly titles of Zoroastrian texts] 


AJSZ. = American Journal of Se- 
mitic Languages (for- 
merly Hebraica). 

AV. = Avesta, ed. Geldner. 

BB. = Bezzenberger’s Beitrage. 

Bd. = Bundahishn (SBE. v. 1- 
151). 

Byt. = Bahman Yasht (SBE. v. 
189-235). 

Dab. = Dabistan (tr. Shea and 
Troyer). 

Dat = Datistan-1 Dinik (SBE. | 
xviii. 1-276). 

Dk. = Dinkart (SBE. xxxvii. 
1-397, 406-418; xlvii. 
1-130). 

JAOS. =Journal American Ori- 
ental Society. 

JRAS. = Journal Royal Asiatic So- 
ciety. 

KZ. = Kuhn’s Zeitschrift. 

Mkh. = Mainog-1 Khirat (SBE. 


xxiv. 1-113). 
Ms., Mss. = Manuscript, manuscripts. 


OIK. = Geiger, Ostiranische Kul- 
tur. 

PAOS. =Proceedings American 
Oriental Society. 

Pers. = Persian. 

nik = Pahlavi. 

SBE. = Sacred Books of the East. 
Ed. F. Max Miiller. 

Sd. = Sad-dar (SBE. xxiv. 253- 
361). 

Shg. = Shikand-gimanik Vijar 
(SBE. xxiv. 115-251). 

SN. = Shah Namah. 


Sls. = Shayast li-shayast (SBL. 
v. 237-406). 

Skt. = Sanskrit. 

Vd. = Vendidad. 

Vij. = Vijirkart-1 Dinik. 

Vsp. = Visperad. 

Ys. = Yasna. 

Xt. = Yasht. 

YZ. = Yatkar-i Zaririn (iiber- 
setzt von Geiger). 

Z. = Zoroaster. 

Zsp. = Selections of Zat-sparam 


(SBE. v. 1538-187 and 
xlvii. 131-170). 


ZtN, = Zartusht Namah (in Wil- 
son’s Parsi Religion). 

ant. = ancient. 

cf. = confer, compare. 

ed. = edited by, editor. 

e.g. =exempli gratia, for ex- 
ample. 

i.e. = id est, that is. 

el: = line, lines. 

n. = note. 

op. cit. =opuscitatum, work quoted 
from. 

orig. = original. 

p. pp. = page, pages. 

prob. = probably. 

qu. = query, question. 

seq. =sequens, and the follow- 

ing. 
tom. = tomus, volume. 


tr. transl. = translated, translation. 
vol. = volume. 


Xxili 





ZOROASTER 


CHAPTER I 
INTRODUCTION 


elré ydp pot, 51d Th rv Zwpodorpny éxetvoy kal Tov Zduork ovde && 
dvdmatos Yoacww of moNdol, waddov dé ovdE Tives TAHY dAlLywr Tidy. 


— IoHANNES CHRYSOSTOMOS. 


ZOROASTER’S POSITION AMONG EARLY RELIGIOUS TEACHERS — ZOROASTER AND 
Buppua — PLAN AND SCOPE OF THE PRESENT WoORK — ZOROASTER AS A 
HisroricaAL PERSONAGE — SOURCES OF INFORMATION — ZOROASTER IN THE 
Ciassics — CONCLUSION 


Zoroaster’s Position among Early Religious Teachers. — 
Among the early religious teachers of the East, if we leave 
out the great founders of Judaism and of Christianity, the 
name of Zarathushtra, or Zoroaster, the Persian sage and 
prophet of ancient Iran, is entitled to hold one of the most 
distinguished places. To Zoroaster is due the same rank, 
the same respect, the same reverential regard that is due 
to such seekers after light as Buddha, Confucius, Socrates. 
Even some of the great thoughts of Christianity may be 
found to have been voiced likewise by Zoroaster —a fact 
which cannot but be of interest — although it belongs else- 
where to discuss the possibility or impossibility of any closer 
or more distant bonds of connection between Judaism and 
Christianity and the faith of ancient Iran. Between India 
and Iran, however, a natural connection and kinship is 
acknowledged; and owing to the importance of Buddhism 
as a contrasted faith, a brief parallel between the teachings 

B 1 


2 INTRODUCTION 


of Zoroaster and the doctrines of Buddha may be drawn by 
way of introduction. 

Both these prophets were filled with a spiritual zeal for 
relieving a people and ameliorating their condition; both of 
them were inspired with a righteous hope of bettering their 
peoples’ lives and of redeeming them from misery and sin; and 
both men became founders of religious faiths. The end and 
aim in both cases was in general alike; but the nature of the 
two minds and of the creeds that were developed shows some 
marked and characteristic, if not radical, differences. The 
faith of Buddha is the more philosophical; the faith of Zoro- 
aster, the more theological. Buddha’s doctrine is a creed 
rather of renunciation, quietism, and repose; Zoroaster’s creed 
is a law of struggle, action, and reform. India’s so-called 
Prophet Prince is overwhelmed with the wretchedness of 
human existence, an existence from which the sole release is 
absorption into Nirvana; Persia’s Sage is equally cognizant of 
the existence of woe, but it is no world-woe without hope of 
triumphant domination. The misery which Zoroaster acknow- 
ledges to exist is due to an Evil Principle against whom man 
must struggle all his life and fight the good fight which will 
bring final victory and will win joys eternal at the resurrection. 
Nevertheless, as a faith in reality, Buddha’s belief had in it 
more of the elements of a universal religion; Zoroaster’s faith, 
as Geldner has said, possessed rather the elements of a national 
religion. Millions of human souls still take refuge in Buddha; 
the faithful followers that bear the name of Zoroaster to-day do 
not number a hundred thousand. In making such a compari- 
son, however, with regard to the relative proportion between 
the two faiths in the matter of present adherents we must not 
forget that national events and external changes in the world’s 
history have contributed as much to this apparent dispropor- 
tion as any inherent and essential difference between the 
nature of the two creeds has done. : 

So much may be said by way of bringing Zoroaster into con- 


ZOROASTER AS A HISTORICAL PERSONAGE 3 


trast with the founder of the Indian religion that came after 
his own; and as recent discoveries have thrown so much light 
upon Buddha’s life, and archaeological finds have contributed 
so much to substantiating traditions that long have been famil- 
iar but were not always estimated at their true value, it seems 
worth while to take up the subject of Zoroaster’s life anew and 
to ascertain all that we are in a position just now to find out 
regarding it. The purpose therefore of the following pages is 
to gather as much material as is accessible at present for illus- 
trating the life and legend of the Prophet of Ancient Ivan, and 
this will be done with special reference to tradition. 

Zoroaster as a Historical Personage. — Before proceeding 
to details with regard to the prophetic teacher of Iran, one 
point must be emphasized at the outset, and an opinion must 
definitely be expressed; this is with reference to the ques- 
tion raised as to whether Zoroaster be a historical person- 
age, a real figure whose individuality is indelibly stamped 
upon the religion of Persia of old. An affirmative answer 
must be given, for Zoroaster zs a historical character. This 
point is emphasized because it is not so long ago that 
advanced scholarship for a time cast a cloud of doubt 
over the subject;! but happily the veil of myth is now 
dispelled. Scholars are generally agreed that although legend 
or fable may have gathered about the name of the prophet 
of ancient Iran, the figure of the great reformer, never- 
theless, stands out clearly enough to be recognized in its 
general outlines; and sufficient data for his life can be col- 


1 Among other references noted by Oxford, 1880). For the historical side 


Spiegel, Eranische Alterthumskunde, 
i. 708 n., mention may be made of 
Kern, Over het Woord Zarathustra en 
den mythischen Persoon van dien Naam 
(1867); observe also Spiegel’s remark 
in Die arische Periode, § 48, p. 299 
(Leipzig, 1887) ; and especially the late 
lamented Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta, 
Part i. Introd. pp. 76-79 (SBE. iv. 


of the question see Geldner, ‘ Zoroas- 
ter’ Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th ed. 
xxiv. 820, and consult Spiegel, HA. i. 
707-708, and recently, with emphasis, 
in ZDMG. lii. 193. Darmesteter later 
expressed himself more cautiously, see 
Le ZA. iii. Introd. p. 75 seq. (Paris, 
1893), and Zend-Avesta, Introd. p. 638, 
§ 10, 2d ed. (SBE. iv. Oxford, 1895). 


4 INTRODUCTION 


lected to enable one to give a clear and correct idea of his 
personality and individuality. There are parts, it is true, 
in every great man’s life regarding which nothing is known 
(one has only to think of the Shakspere-Bacon controversy); 
and in the case of all early teachers’ lives there are many 
lacune to be filled. The broken fragments of the statue 
are sometimes separated so far that we cannot find many 
of the missing chips, and we must be content to piece the 
parts imperfectly together. Caution must necessarily be 
used in such restorations. The existence of legend, fable, and 
even of myth, may be admitted in dealing with Zoroaster’s life ; 
some apocryphal literature is acknowledged to have grown up 
about the hallowed Messiah of Christianity;? but the shadowy 
substance gathered about the figure of Zoroaster must not be 
allowed to shroud and obscure his true personality. Cautious 
we must be, conservative we must be, yet not so far as to 
exclude a willingness to recognize characteristic traits and 
features, or to define more sharply objects and forms whose 
outlines are now and then somewhat dimly presented. In the 
present research an attempt will be made frankly to give warn- 
ing where points are doubtful; and difficult as it is at this 
remote day, an endeavor will be made fairly and impartially to 
distinguish between fiction on the one hand and underlying 
facts on the other, so far as they may be looked upon as reason- 
ably certain, presumable, or plausible. The achievement un- 
doubtedly falls far short of the aim in the present monograph ; 
and some will feel that too much weight is given to traditional 
statements ; but in the absence of other authority we have at 
least these to turn to; and the purpose is to lay these down 
for reference and for judgment. After this prefatory note has 
been given, attention may now be directed to the sources of 
our knowledge in antiquity respecting the life and legend of 
Zoroaster as a historical personage. | 

1See especially Dr. E. W. West in 2See Apocryphal New Testament, 


SBE, xlvii. Introd. pp. 29-380 (Ox- London, 1820. 
ford, 1897). 


SOURCES OF INFORMATION ABOUT ZOROASTER’S LIFE 5 


Sources of Information about Zoroaster’s Life. — The data for 
reconstructing an outline of the life of the great reformer may 
be conveniently classified, first (1) as Iranian, second (2) as 
non-Iranian. Naturally the various sources are not all of equal 
importance ; yet each has a certain intrinsic value. 

Among (1) the Iranian sources of information the Avesta, 
of course, stands foremost in importance as the material with 
which to begin; and in the Avestan Gathas, or Psalms, Zoro- 
aster is personally presented as preaching reform or teaching 
a new faith. The entire Pahlavi literature serves directly to 
supplement the Avesta, somewhat as the patristic literature of 
the Church Fathers serves to supplement the New Testament. 
Especially valuable is the material in the Pahlavi Dinkart and 
the Selections of Zat-sparam, material which has been made 
accessible by Dr. E. W. West in his ‘Marvels of Zoroastri- 
anism’ (SB#H. xlvii. Pahlavi Texts, Part V.; Oxford, 1897). 
Without West’s work many of the following pages could not 
have been written. Of similar character, as based chiefly upon 
these two sources, is the later Persian Zartusht Namah, which 
was composed in the thirteenth century of our era.' Firdausi’s 
Shah Namah, of the tenth century A.D., contains abundant old 
material bearing upon the reign of Zoroaster’s patron, King 
Gushtasp (Vishtaspa).2 Some other Parsi works and tradi- 
tional literature may be included in the list, but these will be 
mentioned as occasion arises in the course of the investiga- 
tion. Zoroaster is not mentioned in the Ancient Persian 
Inscriptions, but the silence may be accounted for. 


1See Eastwick’s translation in Firdausi says he has incorporated into 


Wilson, The Parsi Religion, pp. 477- 
522, Bombay, 1848. Consult West in 
Grundriss der iran. Philol. ii. 122; 
SBE. x\vii. Introd. pp. 20-24. 

2 Firdausi expressly states that the 
portion of his chronicle which relates 
to Zoroaster (Zardusht) is derived from 
his own poetic predecessor, Dakiki, 
who was cruelly murdered when he 
had sung but a thousand verses. These 


the Shah Namah. Scholars are gener- 
ally inclined to accept the truth of the 
statement. See Néldeke in Grundriss 
der iran. Philol. ii. 147-150. 

3 West, The Modern Persian Zoro- 
astrian Literature, Grundriss der iran. 
Philol. ii. 122-129, and Spiegel, Die tra- 
ditionelle Literatur der Parsen (Wien, 
1860). 


6 INTRODUCTION 


(2) The non-Iranian sources are either (a) Classical or 
(6) Oriental. The latter include especially the allusions to 
Zoroaster in Syriac and Arabic literature,! as well as some 
Armenian references and other incidental mentions.? In point 
of antiquity the classical references, as a rule, rank next to the 
Avesta; and these allusions, even though they are foreign, are 
often of real importance, as they serve to check or to substan- 
tiate results which are based upon various authorities.? The 
Appendixes to the present volume will render most of this 
material easily accessible. 

Zoroaster in the Classics.*— All classical antiquity is agreed 
on the point that Zoroaster was a historical personage, even 
though his figure was somewhat indistinct in the eyes of these 
ancient authors. To the writers of Greece and Rome he was 
the arch-representative of the Magi;® and he sometimes seems 
to be more famous for the magic arts which are ascribed to his 
power than for either the depth and breadth of his philosophy 
and legislation, or for his religious and moral teaching. None 
the less, he was regarded asa great sage and as a prophet whose 
name was synonymous with Persian wisdom, or as the founder 
of the Magian priesthood who are sometimes said to be his 
pupils and followers.® 


1 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster 
in Syriac and Arabic Literature, Clas- 


this subject, see Appendix V. at the 
end of this volume. 


sical Studies in Honour of Henry Dris- 
ler, pp. 24-51, New York, 1894 (Co- 
lumbia Univ. Press). 

2 Chinese, for example; but these 
have not yet been made generally ac- 
cessible. Consult Appendix VI. 

8 For instance, an allusion to Zoro- 
aster which is found in the Preface to 
the Younger Edda is probably trace- 
able to some classical or Semitic orig- 
inal. See Jackson in Proceedings of 
the American Oriental Society, xvi. p. 
exxvi. March, 1894. Appendix VI. 

* For a collection of the material on 


5 Consult also the Pahlavi Dinkart, 
9. 69, 58; 4. 21. 34 (SBH. xxxvii. 
pp. 397, 412, 417), and see Av. moyu, 
moyutbis, Justi, Handbuch der Zend- 
sprache, p. 235. 

6 Platonic Alcibiades I, p. 122, A, 
payelay ... THY Zwpodorpov Tod ‘Qpoud- 
fou ore 5é TodTo Gedy Oepareia. Cf. 
also Apuleius, de Magia, xxiv. (Rapp, 
ZDMG. xix. p.21n.). So Hermodorus 
as cited by Diogenes Laertius, Fragm. 
Hist. Grec. 9, ed. Muller; Plutarch, 
Isis et Osiris, 46; Clemens Alexan- 
drinus, Stromata, i. p. 3804; Pliny, 


ZOROASTER IN THE CLASSICS ci 


The Magi, as we know from Herodotus, were a tribe, not 
merely a priestly family, and the right of the classics to call 
Zoroaster a Magian is borne out in other ways. The Pahlavi 
Dinkart regards the ‘ Avesta and Zand’ as the sacred writings 
of the Magian priests.! The learned Arab chronologist Albiruni 
adds that ‘the ancient Magians existed already before the time 
of Zoroaster, but now there is no pure unmixed portion of 
them who do not practice the religion of Zoroaster.’ Several 
Syriac and Arabic writers speak of him as ‘a Magian,’ ‘head of 
the Magians,’ ‘chief of the sect,’ ‘ Magian prophet,’ ‘ diviner.’® 
This direct association of his name with the Magi is perhaps to 
be understood with some limitations ; but the Magi were the 
reputed masters of learning in ancient times, and Zoroaster 
stood for this learning in antiquity.* 

Of the Magian teachings and doctrines it is difficult to form 
a clear picture, except so far as we may believe them to be 
reflected in Zoroaster, after we have made due allowance for 
changes or reforms that he may have instituted. The classical 
tradition that Pythagoras studied under these masters in 
Babylon may not be altogether without foundation.® Plato 
we know was anxious to visit the Orient and to study with 
the Magi, but the Persian wars with Greece prevented him.® 


Hist. Nat. 30. 2.1; Agathias, 2, 24; 
Plutarch, Numa, 4; Suidas, s.v. Py- 
thagoras; cf. Rapp, ZDMG. xix. p. 
21 seq.; Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 
44, See Appendix V. at the end of 
this volume. 

1 Dk. 4. 21;4. 34, West, Phil. Texts 
Trans. in SBE. xxxvii. pp. 412, 
417. 

2 Albiriini, Chronology, transl. by 
Sachau, p. 314, London, 1879. 

3 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster 
in Syriac and Arabic Literature, pp. 
24-51, in Classical Studies in Honour 
of Henry Drisler, New York, 1894 
(Columbia Uniy. Press). 

‘For example, Cicero, de Divina- 


tione, 1. 28 et al.; Windischmann, Zor. 
Stud. p. 277 n. 

5 See Appendix V. below, and cf. 
Lucian, Dialog. cited by Kleuker, Zend- 
Avesta, Anh. ii. 3, p. 104; Cicero, de 
Finibus, 5.29; Valerius Maximus, 8. 
7; Pliny, H. N. 30. 2. 1; Apuleius, 
Florid. p. 19 ; Porphyrius, Vita Pytha- 
gore, 41; Lactantius, Institutiones, 
4.2; Iamblichus, Vita Pythagore, 19; 
Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata, i. 
p. 857. Consult Windischmann, Zor. 
Stud. pp. 260-264. 

6 Diogenes Laertius, Philosoph. Vit. 
8. 7; Apuleius, de Doctrin. Plat. Phil. 
p. 569. The Anonym. Vit. Plat. p. 7, 
ed. Westermann, Paris, 1862, adds 


8 INTRODUCTION 


The followers of the Sophist Prodicus, a contemporary of 
Socrates, are reported to have boasted their possession of 
secret writings of Zoroaster ;1 and even a Magian teacher, one 
Gobryas, is claimed as instructor of Socrates. Aristotle, 
Deinon, Eudoxus of Cnidus, and especially Theopompus, were 
familiar with Zoroastrian tenets.? A work bearing the name 
of Zoroaster by Heraclides Ponticus, a pupil of Plato and of 
Aristotle, is mentioned in Plutarch. The distinguished phi- 
losopher Hermippus (about B.c. 200) made careful studies of 
Magism and of Zoroastrian writers, according to Pliny (CH. N. 
30.2.1). Zoroaster and Magian were names to conjure with, 
and there are numerous allusions to ideas drawn from these 
sources in Plutarch, Strabo, Suidas, and others. 

Titles of a number of purported books of Zoroaster are also 
given in the classics, such as epi dvcews, mepl AMov Tinior, 
BiBr1oe 


Furthermore, some ‘sayings’ of Zoroaster, like those men- 


> / , > \ / 5 
améxpugot Zwpodotpov, actepooxorixa Zwpoactpov. 


tioned by Gemistus Pletho, Mayica Adyra THY aro ToD Zopo- 
aotpov Mayor, are both reported to have existed, and passages 
are occasionally claimed to be taken from them. Like other 
such productions, however, these are all probably apocryphal, 
although the encyclopedic character of the titles somewhat 
recalls the analysis and summaries that we have of the Zoroas- 
trian Nasks.® At all events, these references and allusions show 
how great a reputation was enjoyed by Zoroaster in classical 
antiquity, even if his name does not occur in Herodotus? nor 


that in Phoenicia Plato met with 4 Plutarch, Adv. Colot. p. 1115 A; 


Persians who introduced him to Zoro- 
astrian lore. Cf. Appendix V. § 1. 

1 Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata, 
i. p. 357. 

2 Darmesteter, Le ZA. iii. Introd. p. 
Ute 

8 Diogenes Laertius, Prowm. 8; 
Pliny, H. N. 80. 2.1; Plutarch, Js. e¢ 
Os. 47; ef. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. 
pp. 283 n., 279 n., and App. V. below. 


ef. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 284. 
Thanks also to friend Lanman. 

5 See allusions in Suidas and in 
Pliny. Appendix V. below. 

6 West, Pahlavi Texts, Translated 
in SBE. xxxvii. 1-488. 

7Cf. de Harlez, Des Origines du 
Zoroastrisme, p. 276, Journal Asia- 
tique, 1878-79; Darmesteter, Le ZA. 
iii. Introd. p. 76. 


CONCLUSION 9 


in Xenophon, nor with certainty in the extant fragments of 
Ctesias. The earliest authenticated classical allusion to Zoroas- 
ter by name seems to be the reference in the Platonic Alci- 
biades ;1 although, according to Diogenes Laertius (Prom. 2), 
he was mentioned by the earlier Xanthus of Lydia.? 

Conclusion. — As Zoroaster is one of the great religious 
teachers of the East, his life as well as his work is worthy of 
study from its historical importance. Our information regard- 
ing his life is to be gathered from the Zoroastrian scriptures, 
the Avesta and the Pahlavi writings, and other material must 
be used to supplement or to correct these sources. Due 
weight must be given to tradition. It must also be remembered 
that fiction as well as fact has doubtless gathered about the 
name of this religious reformer. This latter fact is all the 
more a proof of his great personality. 

1See Alcibiades I, 122, p. 181, ed. consult also my article ‘Zoroaster’ 


Schanz. in Harper’s Dictionary of Classical 
2See Appendix V. below, and Antiquities, New York, 1897. 


a 


CHAPTER II 
FAMILY HISTORY OF ZOROASTER 
THE LINEAGE OF THE MASTER 


Sa jato yena jatena yati vams'ah samunnatim. 
— HiropabDes/a. 


IntRopucTION — ZoroasTER AN IRANIAN— THE Name ZoroasTER (ZARA- 
THUSHTRA), ITS FoRM AND ITs Meaning — THE Date oF ZoroASTER — 
His Native Prack — ZoROASTER’S ANCESTRY AND HIS FaMILy ; GENEALO- 
GIES — CONCLUSION 


Introduction. — When a man rises to lasting fame, all that is 
associated with his name and his times becomes of interest 
and of importance. Lustre is shed upon his family, and dis- 
tinction is lent to the line that produced such a son. If 
great men are the children of their age, the age of a great 
religious teacher can but deserve attention. His own origin, 
the influences that may have been formative in his life, his 
environment and surroundings, alike become worthy of con- 
sideration. The nature and condition of the country which 
called him forth requires some remark, and with regard to 
Zoroaster it is to be regretted that we do not know more than 
we do of Iran in early antiquity, and that only a limited space 
can be devoted here to this special theme, although it receives 
more or less treatment in different places throughout the book. 
This prophet’s teaching found fruitful soil in the land of 
Ancient Iran, because the seed was already in the hearts of the 
people, if we may adapt the phrase of a renowned author. 

Zoroaster of Iran. — Zoroaster, it is believed, sprang up in 
the seventh century before the Christian era, somewhere in 

10 


ZOROASTER OF IRAN sll 


the land between the Indus and the Tigris. Before our mind 
rises first a picture of the world outside of Iran, the kingdoms 
of Assyria and Babylon, with their long line of dynasties 
reaching far back into history which antedates Iran ;1 to the 
southeast lies India, bound by the ties of Indo-Iranian unity ; 


lastly, and to offset all, Turan, the rival and foe, the synonym | 
of everything crude, uncouth, and barbarous, borders upon | 


the Iranian territory to the north. But to return to the 
land of Ivan itself during this period. There exists, or is 
claimed to have existed in early times, an eastern Iranian 
kingdom in Bactria. An uncertainty with regard to this 


point will be noted hereafter. ( Media, however, has already | 


been known to fame in history long before this period ; and in 
the eighth century B.c. its power was able to throw off the 
yoke of Assyria, and at the close of the seventh century 
(s.c. 606) to crush Nineveh and establish the Median dynasty 
of Ecbatana, which may be called the first of the great Iranian 


kingdoms.? ) But the decadence of Media swiftly follows, and | 


its glory is dimmed before the splendor of the rising Persian 
sun. So much for the period and land in which Zoroaster 
appeared. 

During the very lifetime of Zoroaster—if we accept the 
traditional dates —the Jews were carried into captivity in 
Babylon, and their return from exile to Jerusalem takes place 
less than a generation after his death. If the Persian wars 
with Greece stand for anything in the world’s history, when 
Orient and Occident met at Marathon, Plata, Salamis, when 
the East received its first shock and set-back from the West, 
certainly we must feel an interest in the life of that man who 
is commonly spoken of as the lawgiver of the Persians. His 

1 In the Avesta, Babylon is the seat compare Tiele, Geschichte der Reli- 
of the semi-mythical tyrantanddemon gion, i. 1. pp. 127-213. 

Azhi Dahaka, who destroyed the 2Cf. also the article ‘Iranians’ 
Tranian ideal king Yima (Jem-shéd) (AVWJ.) in Johnson's Universal 


and ruled for a thousand years. On Cyclopedia, iv. 670. 
the religion of Babylon and Assyria, 


i FAMILY HISTORY OF ZOROASTER 


~ name, his date, and his native place, his family, his ancestry, 


and his associations, are all matters of some moment. These 
will be given in this chapter before turning to the more pict- 
uresque story of his life. The question of his religious beliefs, 
teaching, and philosophy, can be dealt with only incidentally, 
as this is reserved for treatment in another work. 

The Name Zoroaster (Zarathushtra), its Form and its Mean- 
ing. — The form of the Prophet’s name in the Avesta con- 


| sistently appears as Zara@ustra, or with the fuller patronymic 


as Spitima Zarabustra.! The shapes or disguises which this 
appellative has assumed in other languages show as much 
variety as does the spelling of the name of the English reformer 
Wychf (Wycliff, Wyclyffe, etc.). The familiar form (a) Zoro- 
aster is adopted from Zoroastres of the Latin, which in turn 
is modelled after the Greek form. (6) In Greek the name 
commonly appears as Zwpodotpys,2 but sporadic variations are 
found, for example Zwpéados, Zapadys beside Zwpodorpys in 
Agathias 2. 24, or the anomalous ’OQpwacros (Georgius Hamar- 
tolus), see Appendix V.; or again, the forms Zdparos,? Zapns,* 
which are also quotable from the Greek, seem to be based upon 
the later Persian form. A grecized Armenian form (Arm. 
Zaravést) is cited from Cephalion ;° and Diodorus Siculus (1. 94) 
has Za@pavarns,® which recalls the Avestan form, Zarathushtra, 


1 Consult Justi, Jranisches Namen- 
buch, p. 380, Marburg, 1895; Win- 
dischmann, Zor. Stud. pp. 44, 45; de 
Harlez, Avesta tradwit, Introd. p. xxi. 
Cf. also Anquetil du Perron, Zend- 
Avesta, i. Pt. 2, p.2, Paris, 1771, and 
Hyde, Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. p. 307 seq. 
Oxford, 1700. See also Appendix I. 

2 Diogenes Laertius, de Vit. Philos. 
Procm. 2. p. 1 (recens. Cobet), Paris, 
1850. Observe that Plutarch, Js. et Os. 
46, once has Zwpdacrpis, once the usual 
ZLwpodorpyns (Numa, 4), and once the 
curious Ldcacrpos (Quest. Conviv. 4. 
1. 1). On Zoroastes (sic) in Isidorus, 
see Appendix V. § 38; and on Zapa- 


orpéws (gen.) cf. Lassen ZAM. vi. 541, 
n. 2. 

8 Porphyrius, Vita Pythagore, p. 
18, ed. Nauck (‘O Ilv@ayépas) mpds 
Zdparov adplkero. 

4 Suidas, s.v. Pythagoras; see Ap- 
pendix V., § 45. 

5 From Cephalion through Eusebius 
(Armen. Versio, p. 41, ed. Mai), ac- 
cording to de Harlez, Av. tr. Introd. 
p. xx. See Justi, Zran. Namenbuch, 
380a, on Zaravastes in Miller, Fragm. 
ili, 626, 627. 

6 Diodorus Siculus, 1. 94. 2, Ilapa 
bev yap “Apiavots ZaOpatorny. See Ap- 
pendix V. $3 below. 


THE NAME ZOROASTER 13 


of the Prophet’s name.! (¢) An Armenian rendering of the 
appellative is given as Zradasht.2, (d) The Syriac and Arabic 
writings show the name under a variety of guises, but they 
generally agree with the Pahlavi or Modern Persian form.® 
(e) The Pahlavi version of the name is usually given Zaratist.4 | 
(f) Some of the Modern Persian varieties are Zartust, Zardust, 
Zardust, Zarduhast, Zardtust, Zarddust, Zardtuhast, Zaraduhast, 
Zarahust.° All these are variations of Avestan Zarau3tra. 
The question as to the signific anc eof the name of Iran’s pro- 
phetic teacher is not without interest. India’s princely reformer 
was the ‘Enlightened’ (Buddha) or the ‘Sakya Sage’ (Sakya- 
munt); Jesus of Nazareth, the Son of God, was the Wonderful, 
the Counsellor, the Anointed (Christus). In ancient Iran Zoroas- | 
ter, the Righteous, was called Zarabustra, or Zarabustra Spitima, 
Spitama Zaradustra, or sometimes simply Spitima. The title 
Spitama is a family designation, and the name comes from an 
ancestor of the Prophet, a heros eponymus of the clan.6 The 
Spitaman name is elsewhere found early in Media. The deriva- 
tion of this patronymic Spitama, used as an appellative, is 
apparently from the Av. root spit- ‘be white’ = Skt. s’vzt-, and 
the significance is probably ‘descendant of White,’ like the 
English Whit-ing. The origin of ZaraOustra itself is less 
1The Greek form Zopodorpns, or 
Zwpodorpys, is apparently to be ex- 
plained as derived from Av. Zara- 
thushtra through a Western Iranian 
presumable form *Zara*ustra, cf. 
Bartholomae in Grundriss d. iran. 


Philologie, i. §§ 93, 264 (8). 
2See also Hiibschmann, Persische 


The Book of the Mainyo-i-Khard, 
p. 225; Stuttgart, 1871. 

® See the genealogy given below, 
p- 19, and consult Justi, Handbuch 
der Zendsprache, sub voce ; also Jra- 
nisches Namenbuch, Marburg, 1895. 
Zoroaster’s daughter is Pourucista 
Spitami, Ys. 58. 8; his cousin is 


Studien, p. 204, Strassburg, 1895. 

3 See Gottheil, References to Zoro- 
aster in Syriac and Arabic Writers, 
p. 25 seq. 

4 West, Pahlavi Texts Translated, 
Part 5, in SBE. xlvii. 180, In- 
dex. 

5 Cf. Vullers, Lexicon Persico- 
Latinum, ii. p. 1038, Bonn, 1865 ; West, 


Maidyoimiiiha Spitama, Ys. 51. 19; 
the members of the family are spoken 
of as the Spitamas (Ys. 46. 15) Spita- 
mitwhd. In Pahlavi, the Prophet is 
called Zaratust i Spitaman, ‘ Zoroaster 
of the Spitamas’ ; the Mod. Pers. has 
Isfiman, see Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, 
p. 309; Zmrirayas, UriOduns are quota- 
ble as ordinary Iranian proper names, 


14 FAMILY HISTORY OF ZOROASTER 


clear than Spitama and the derivation has been much discussed. 
Scholars, however, are now generally agreed upon one point ; it 
is that the second member of the compound (for the form must 
be a composite) is the word wustra- ‘camel,’! but the precise 
nature of the compound and the true meaning of its first ele- 
ment are uncertain. 
been proposed are: ‘one whose camels are old’ (zar ‘be old’)? 
or ‘old camel’ (ef. Skt. jarad-gava, jarat-karu-); or again ‘one 


The most probable significations that have 


whose camel is fierce’ (zar ‘be angry’) or possibly ‘ tormenting 
the camel’; or ‘robbing a camel’ (cf. Skt. bharadvdja). Numer- 
ous other suggestions and explanations have been offered ; and 
some of them show a good deal of fancy ; but doubtless the name 
is an unromantic, unpoetic name, a title which the man retained 
as his birthright even after he became famed as a spiritual and 
religious teacher. The very fact of his retaining this somewhat 
prosaic appellative testifies to a strong personality ; Zoroaster 
remains a man and he is not dubbed anew with a poetic title 
when later sanctification has thrown a halo of glory about his 
head. For an outline of the various discussions of Zoroaster’s 
name, the reader is referred to the special Appendix.? 

The Date of Zoroaster. — With reference to the date at which 
Zoroaster lived and taught, there has been a wide diversity of 
opinion, but now a more general agreement between the views 
of scholars on the subject is beginning to prevail. The con- 
sensus of opinion has of late been growing stronger in favor of 


accepting the traditional view, based on the chronology of the 


1 The esteem in which the Bactrian 
camel is held is well known (cf. Yt. 
14. 11-13). Other Iranian proper 
names contain witra, e.g. Frasaostra 
‘whose camels are fresh,’ Aravaostra 
‘whose camel does not bellow’ (cf. 
ravo-fraodman), Vohustra ‘having 
good camels’ (Yt. 18. 122, cf. Spiegel, 
Eran. Alterthumskunde, i. p. 673). 
There are many similar compound ap- 
pellatives with -aspa ‘horse,’ gao- 


‘cow,’ -uxyan ‘ox,’ which are probably 
totemistic family survivals ; see Justi, 
Tranisches Namenbuch, p. 486 seq., 
Marburg, 1895. 

2Cf. Hiibschmann, AZ. xxvi. p. 
203; Geldner, Zoroaster, Encyclope- 
dia Britannica, 9th ed. xxiv. p. 820; 
Bartholomae, in Grundriss d. iran. 
Phil. i. pp. 149-150; A.F. i. p. 160; 
IF. vi. Anz. p. 47. 

3 See Appendix I. below. 


THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 15 


Bundahishn, which places the era of Zoroaster’s activity 
between the latter half of the seventh century B.c. and the 
middle of the sixth century. A detailed discussion of the 
question with a general presentation of the material on 
the subject has been given by the present writer in a mono- 
graph on Zhe Date of Zoroaster, JAOS. xvii. 1-22, 1896 
(reprinted in Appendix II.). The results are rendered even | 
more precise by a slight chronological correction by Dr. E. 
W. West,! who gives the years B.C. 660-583 as probably the 
exact date of Zoroaster so far as tradition is concerned. There 
is space here only to summarize ; for details reference must be | 
made to Appendix II., IIT. 

The statements of antiquity on the subject may conveniently 
be divided into three groups. 

First (1) to be considered are those references that assign 
to Zoroaster the extravagant age of B.c. 6000. ‘These are 
confined simply to the classics, but they have a certain claim to 
attention because they are based upon information possessed 
by Aristotle, Eudoxus, and Hermippus.? These extraordinary 
figures are due to the Greeks’ not having quite rightly under- 
stood the statements of the Persians who place Zoroaster’s 
millennium amid a great world-period of 12,000 years, which 
they divided into cycles, and in accordance with this belief 
Zoroaster’s fravast had actually existed in company with the 
archangels for several thousands of years. Second (2) come 
those statements which connect the name of Zoroaster with 
that of the more or less legendary Ninus and the uncertain 


Semiramis. Third (8) the direct Zoroastrian tradition 


122 ; Diogenes Laertius, de Vit. Philos. 
Proem. 2; Lactantius, Jnst. 7%. 15, 
and cf. Suidas, s.v. Zoroastres. 

3 Cf. Diodorus Siculus, 2.6; Frag- 


1 Personal letter, dated April 30, 
1897, and in a published view with 
chronological table, SBE. xlvii. In- 
trod. pp. 27-42. See Appendix III. 


2 The passages are given in full in 
Appendix II.; they are from Pliny, 
H.N. 30. 2.1; Plutarch, Js. et Os. 46; 
Scholion to the Platonic Alcibiades I, 


ments of Cephalion in Euseb. Chron. 
1. 43 and 4. 35; Theon, Progymnas- 
mata, 9; Justin, from Trogus Pom- 
peius’ Hist. Philippic. 1. 1; Arnobius, 


16 FAMILY HISTORY OF ZOROASTER 


which is found in the Pahlavi book Bundahishn 34. 1-9 and 
supported by Arta Viraf 1. 2-5 and Zat-sparam 23. 12, as 
well as corroborated by abundant Arabic allusions (Albirtni, 
Masiidi, and others) unanimously places the opening of 
Zoroaster’s ministry at 258 years before the era of Alexander, 
or 272 years before the close of the world-conqueror’s life 
(B.c. 823). As Zoroaster was thirty years old, according to the 
tradition, when he entered upon his ministry; and as he was 
seventy-seven years old at the time of his death; and, further- 
more, since we may assume an omission of thirty-five years 
in the Bundahishn chronological list, according to West, we 
have good reason, on the authority of the tradition, for making 
B.C. 660-583 as the era of Zoroaster. 

Tradition also says that Zoroaster was forty-two years old 
when he converted King Vishtaspa, who became the patron of 
_ the faith. There is no good ground, however, for identifying 
this ruler with Hystaspes, the father of Darius. Such identi- 
fication has indeed been made by Ammianus Marcellinus 
(22. 6. 82), and it has met with support from some; but the 
doubt on this point which was raised as early as Agathias 
(2. 24) is unquestionably well founded.! 

Zoroaster’s Native Place. — The question of Zoroaster’s native 
place is a subject that has been much debated. The problem 
is more complicated because of the uncertainty which exists as 
to whether his birthplace and early home was necessarily also 
the chief scene of the teacher’s activity. The whole matter 
may be brought under the heading of two inquiries: first 
(1), whether the home of Zoroaster is to be placed in the west 
of Iran, in Atropatene and Media; second (2), whether 


Adv. Gentes, 1.5; Orosius, Hist. contra 1 Fuller discussion in West, SBE. 
Paganos (Ninus) ; Suidas, s.v. Zoro- xlvii. Introd. p. 88, and Jackson, On 
astres. See Appendix II.,V. Somein- the Date of Zoroaster, JAOS. xvii. 
cidental allusions connect Zoroaster’s 17; Appendix II. below. 

name with Abraham, Nimrod, Bel, 

Balaam. These also are quoted in 

Appendix II., V. below. 


ZOROASTER’S ANCESTRY AND HIS FAMILY AT 


ancient Media was the scene also of his ministry, or are we 
to accept the claim of Bactria and eastern Iran? Possibly 
he may have taught in both lands. The subject is of interest, 
moreover, in the light of the recent important developments 
with regard to Buddha’s birthplace, and the archeological finds 
which have lately contributed so much towards establishing the 
exact location where the gentle teacher of India was ushered 
into the world. Accordingly, the problem of Zoroaster’s native 
place and then the possible scene of his ministry is discussed 
with considerable fulness in Appendix IV; it suffices merely 
to summarize here. 

If we omit the question of his ministry for the moment and 
speak simply of his native place, we may say without much 
hesitation, that the consensus of scholarly opinion at this time | 
is generally agreed in believing that Zoroaster arose in the 
west of Iran. Oriental tradition seems to be fairly correct in 
assigning, as his native land, the district of Atropatene or | 
Adarbaijan, to the west of Media, or even more precisely the 
neighborhood about Lake Urumiah. There is ground, further- 
more, for believing in the tradition which says that his 
father was a native of Adarbaijan, —a region of naphtha wells 
and oil fountains, — and that Zoroaster’s mother was from the 
Median Ragha (Rai) —consult the map at the end of this 
volume. Explicit references for these statements will be 
found in Appendix IV. For the other problem, the one 
relating to the possible scene or scenes of Zoroaster’s ministry, 
reference must be made to the extended discussion in the 
same appendix below. Here we need only bear in mind that 
there is every reason to believe that Zoroaster, for a time at 
least, wandered about in his missionary labors, and there is 
certainly a strong tradition to the effect that during the two 
opening years of his prophetic career he was for a while in the | 
east, in Seistan, and also in Turan—see Map. One is re- | 
minded of the peregrinations of the Buddha. 

Zoroaster’s Ancestry and His Family. — The subject of gene- 

Cc 


18 FAMILY HISTORY OF ZOROASTER 


alogy has not much interest for most readers, and a treatment of 
it is apt to recall the ‘ begat’ chapters of the Biblical patriarchs. 
Nevertheless Zoroaster’s line is not without importance, and it 
deserves to receive attention, as much as would the descent of 
Mohammed or of Buddha. If Indian legend and tradition in 
the case of the great Ganges teacher ascribes exalted origin from 
the princely family of the Sakyas, Iranian story is no less suc- 
cessful, for its part, in tracing Zoroaster’s descent from a sort 
of royal Davidic line that ends in the house of Manishcihar, 
sovereign of Iran,! or ascending still farther back through the 
forty-fifth generation to Gayomart, the Iranian Adam, the father 
of all mankind.? 
often referred to. Pourushaspa, the father, is mentioned several 
times in the Avesta and is frequently referred to in the Pahlavi 
texts and in the later Zoroastrian literature. The name of 
Zoroaster’s mother is preserved in an Avestan fragment as 
Dughdhova (Phl. Dughdavo, Dikdav or Duktaubo, Mod. 
Pers. Dughdu).® The name of Zoroaster’s great-grandfather 
Haécat-aspa is mentioned in the Avesta (Ys. 46. 15; 53. 3), 
as is also the latter’s sire Cikhshnush or Chakhshni (cf. Yt. 18. 
114); and Spitama, the heros eponymus of the family, is refer- 
red to in the Gatha allusions to the Prophet’s kinsman Spita- 
maonho (Ys. 46. 15), whence his own appellative Zarathushtra 
Spitama, Zoroaster the Spitamid. The locus classicus for tra- 
cing Zoroaster’s lineage is Bindahishn 32. 1-2; it is supple- 
mented by the Pahlavi Dinkart 7. 2, 70, the Selections of Zat- 
sparam, 13, 6, and by the Vijirkart-i Dinig; compare also the 
Nirang-i Boidatano va Yatkartano (Grundriss ii. 115).4 The 


The Prophet’s more immediate ancestors are 


10n Mantshcihar, cf. Peshotan xxiv. 3802; xxxvii. 444, 469, 483; 


Dastur, Dinkart translated, vol. vii. 
p. 429; cf. Yasht 18. 181. 

2 Dk. 7. 2. 70, Zsp. 18. 5-6; cf. West, 
SBE. xlvii. pp. 84, 140, and Grundriss 
d. tran. Phil. ii. 95. 

8 Hatokht Nask Frag. cited in Sad 
Dar 40. 4 et passim; cf. West, SBE. 


xlvii. (eight times); Darmesteter, Le 
ZA, iii. 151; Zartusht Namah, p. 480 
(in Wilson, Parsi Relig.) and Shahras- 
tani (see Appendix IV.). 

4Consult West, Pahlavi Texts 
translated, SBE. v. 140-141; Grun- 
driss, li. 94, 95, and SBE. xlvii. 34, 


ZOROASTER’S ANCESTRY AND HIS FAMILY i) 


same ancestral tree, but with the names disguised or misread, 


is found in Masudi.! 


The line as far back as Manush-cithra 


may be worth recording from the accessible sources. 











Dk., Bindahishn, and 
ef. Zsp. 


Manitshcihar 2 
Diutrasrobd 

Airic or Rajan 
Nayazem or Ayazem?. 
Vaédisht or Vidasht 
Spitam or Spitaman 


Hardhar (Kharedhar) . 


Arejadharshn or Hardarshn. 


Paétrasp or Paitirasp . 
Cikhshniish or Cakhshnish 4 


Haécataspo 


Urugadhasp or Aurvadasp® . 


Patiragtarasp6 or Paitirasp*. 


Poriishaspd 


Zaratisht . 





Vijirkart-i 


Dinig. 


Manishcihar, 


Dirasrob . 
Rajishn 
Nayazem 
Vaédisht 
Spitaman6 
Haridar 
Hardrshn . 
Paétirasp . 
Cikhshnush 
Haécatasp . 
Urvandasp 
Paitirasp 
Portishaspd 


Zaratusht . 





Masidi. 


Manishihar, ( yesigiv) 
(upep%y90) 
Traj ap Wolf ais ( G ”) 


Dirashrin . 


Haizem . (sya) 
Vandast. (crndle ) 
Isbiman . (yer! ) 
Hardar . Gor) 
Arhadas (Urdsy!) 
Batir . (8b) 
Hakhish (Usakie) 
Hajdast. . (dwodsis) 
Arikdast .  (CiwOXGy!) 
Fadarast (Wim) 
Burshasf (trmmting ) 
Zaradusht . ‘ 








189. Seelikewise Windischmann, Zor. 
Studien, p. 160; Spiegel, Hranische 
Alterthumskunde, i. 687; de Harlez, 
Avesta traduit, Introd. p. eexxviii ; 
Justi, Tranisches Namenbuch, p. 
393. 

1 Les Prairies dor, ii. 128, tr. Bar- 
bier de Meynard ; cf. Gottheil, Refer- 
ences to Zoroaster, p. 34. 


2 Avesta, Yt. 13. 181, Manui3-ciéra. 

3 Cf. also Dinkart 9. 33. 5. 

4 Cf. Avesta, Yt. 18. 114, Caysni. 

5 Zsp. 18. 6 has Ahurvataspo. 

6 Dinkart, Bk. 7. 2. 3, 70; Bd. $2: 
1; West, Grundriss, ii. 95, SBE. xvii. 
34, v. 140; or Purtaraspo, Zsp. 18. 6, 
op. cit. p. 1389. 


20 FAMILY HISTORY OF ZOROASTER 


Zoroaster’s grandfather on the maternal side, according to 
Dk. 7. 2. 3 and Bd. 32. 10, was Frahim-rvana-zdish or Frahim- 
rava; his maternal grandmother may have been called Fréné 
(Asp. 13. 1), but the passage is not quite clear. There are several 
allusions to his paternal uncle Arasti and to the latter’s son, 
Maidhyoi-maonha, who was Zoroaster’s cousin and first disciple 
(Yt. 13. 95; Bd. 32. 2 et passim). According to the Selec- 
tions of Zat-sparam, Zoroaster was one of five brothers. The 
passage states: ‘Of the four brothers of Zaratusht the names 
of the two before Zarattsht were Rattshtar and Rangishtar, 
But in each 

A tabular 
statement of the Sage’s family and kin may now be presented. ? 


and of the two after him Notariga and Nivétish.’! 
case the reading of the Pahlavi word is uncertain. 


Patiragtaraspo 
x m. Frahim-rvan4-zoish 
(Fréno ?) (Bd. 32.10; Dk. 
7.2.3) 





Dughdhiva m. Pourushaspa (Z.’s father) Arasti m. x 


2 elder Zarathushtra 2 younger Maidhyoi-maonha m. x 
brothers brothers 
Ashastu 
(Yt. 13. 106) 


Tradition furthermore states that Zoroaster was thrice mar- 


ried and had several sons and daughters, and that the three 


wives survived him (Bd. 32. 5-7; Vjkt. pp. 21-22). The 
names of the first wife and of the second are not preserved,? but 


the latter is said to have been a widow. By the first, or privi- 


1Zsp. 15. 5. West’s translation, 
SBE. xlvii. 144; cf. also SBE. v. 187, 
note. 

2 Cf. also Justi, Namenbuch, p. 893. 

8 See the information and correc- 
tions given by West, Pahlavi Texts 
Translated, SBE. v. 142-1438, notes, 
and Justi, Zranisches Namenbuch, s.v. 


‘Urwarwija,’ p. 384; Hélty, Zoroaster 
und sein Zeitalter, p. 93, Lineburg, 
1836. West (SBE. V. 143, n. 1) 
refers to the apparent misinterpreta- 
tion which gives the names of Zoro- 
aster’s first two wives as Urvij and 
Arnij-bareda; consult his reference, 
especially as to the second wife. 


ZOROASTER’S ANCESTRY AND HIS FAMILY Al 


leged wife, the Prophet had one son and three daughters. 
Their names are several times mentioned in the Avesta and in 
Pahlavi literature.t One of the daughters, Pourucista (Ys. 53. 


3), was married to the wise Jamaspa. The son Isatvastra, by | 


the second wife, became head of the priestly class and had a 


son, Ururvija, who is also mentioned by name (Bd. 32. 7). 
Isatvastra was likewise made guardian of the children of his 
father’s second wife who had borne two sons, Urvatatnara and 
Hvarecithra, to Zoroaster (Yt. 13. 98). These two sons 
were respectively regarded as the head of the agricultural class 


and of the warrior caste. The third wife, Hvovi, was the | 


daughter of Frashaoshtra and niece to Jamaspa, attachés to the 
court of Vishtaspa (Yt. 13. 189; 16.15; Dk. 9. 44. 16; 9. 69. 


58). By Hvovi no earthly children were born, but she is the | 


noble consort from whom ultimately are descended the future 
millennial prophets, Ukhshyat-ereta, Ukhshyat-nemah, and the 
Messiah, Saoshyant (Yt. 13.128). The marvels of this preter- 
natural conception are narrated in detail in Bd. 32. 8-9, cf. Yt. 
13. 62, 128, 141-2, and elsewhere. The later descent from 
Zoroaster’s line may thus be tabulated: — 


Children by Children by Children by 
first wife second wife Hvovi 
x m. Isatvastra (son) Hvarecithra (son) (Not yet born) 
Fréni (daughter) Urvatatnara (son) Ukhshyat-ereta 
Thriti (daughter) Ukhshyat-nemah 
Pourucista (daughter) Saoshyant 


Ururvija 


A genealogical tree of the Hvévid family into which the 
Prophet married and into which family he gave a daughter in 
marriage will make clearer some of the connections and alli- 
ances that appear in the Avesta; it is therefore given on the 
following page : — 


1 Ys, 28. 2, 26.5; Yt. 18. 98, 189; Bd. 32, 5 et passim; Zsp. 28. 11. 


22 FAMILY HISTORY OF ZOROASTER 


Frata or Parata1! 


Parshatgao Ashak 2 
Cigav 2 Tahmasp? 
Hyogva Nariman (al. Asnas) 


Pakhad (al. Pidha?)? Sama Keresaspa 


Frashaoshtra Jamaspa Avaraoshtri 
(Pourucista) 
Hushyaothna Hvadaéna Hyvovi Hanhauryao Vohunemah 
(Zarathushtra) 
Vareshna Gaévani 


Summary. — After noticing in this chapter the fact that 
Zoroaster was an Iranian, we briefly followed in outline the 
position of Iran in ancient history. We next saw that the 
oldest form of Zoroaster’s name is given as Zarathushtra. 
The statement was then made that we have reason for believ- 
ing that he arose in western Iran (Atropatene and Media) 
about the middle of the seventh century B.c. The scene of 
his ministry is a question that was reserved for later discussion. 
As was shown, a long line of ancestry can be traced out for 
him, and we know something of his immediate family through 
tradition. But we bid adieu to these external matters to deal 
with his life itself. 


1 After Justi, Zran. Namenbuch, p. 2 Not mentioned in the Avesta. 
396. 


CHAPTER III 
EARLY LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATION 
THE LIFE OF THE PROPHET UNTIL THE AGE OF THIRTY 


yehe za0aéca vaxsaeca 

ustatatam nimravanta 

vispi spanto-data daman. 
—AvestTa, Yt. 18. 93. 


INTRODUCTION — PROPHECIES OF THE COMING OF ZOROASTER, AND THE MrIRa- 
CLES BEFORE HIS BirtTH— BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD OF ZOROASTER ACCORD- 
ING TO TRADITION— ZOROASTER’S YOUTH AND EpDUCATION— PERIOD OF 
RELIGIOUS PREPARATION — CONCLUSION 


Introduction, Prophecies of the Coming of Zoroaster. — The 
coming of a prophet or great teacher seems at times in the 
world’s history to be looked for instinctively. We may see 
the truth of this statement exemplified in our own Gospels 
when the disciple asks of the Saviour, ‘Art thou he that 
should come, or do we look for another?’ And when a 
blessed Master is at last recognized, the generations vie with 
each other in repeating how his advent was foretold. In the 
Zoroastrian scriptures, passages are adduced to show that the 
Sage’s coming had been predicted ages before. fin the Aves- 
tan Gathas and in Pahlavi literature the soul of the mythical 
primeval bull, three thousand years before the revelation of the 
religion, beholds a vision in heaven of the fravasi or ideal. 
image of the prophet Zarathushtra, Zaratusht, that is to be.1) 
Again, in the golden age of the world, King Yim (Jemshed) 
forewarns the demons of their destined defeat and overthrow 


1 Ys, 29.8; Bd. 4. 4-5; cf. Dk. 7. 2. 67. 
23 


24 EARLY LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATION 


at the birth of the glorious manchild.1_ Lastly, in the reign of 
the patriarch ruler, Kai Us, three centuries before the actual 
appearance of the hallowed saint, a splendid ox is gifted with 
the power of speech, so as to foretell the promised revelation 
which the future shall receive from the lips of Zaratusht.? 

Miracles before His Birth. — From the Avesta we also learn 
that the divine sacerdotal and kingly Glory (hraranah) is 
handed onward from ruler to ruler, and from saint to saint, 
ever with a view to its illumining ultimately the soul of the 
inspired one.? It is ordained of heaven, moreover, that this 
Glory shall be combined with the Guardian Spirit (fravasz) 
and the Material Body, so as to produce from this threefold 
union the wonderful child.‘ 

First, the Glory descends from the presence of Atharmazd, 
where it abides in the eternal light; it passes through heaven 
down to earth; and it enters the house where the future Zara- 
tiisht’s mother herself is about to be born. Uniting itself with 
her presence it abides in her until she reaches the age of fifteen, 
when she brings forth her own first-born, the prophet of Iran. 
But before this event, as a girl she became so transcendent in 
splendor by reason of the miraculous nimbus of the Glory that 
resided in her, that, at the instigation of the demons, her 
father is convinced that she is bewitched, and he sends her 
away from his home to the country of the Spitamas, in the dis- 
trict of Alak or Arak, to the village of Patiragtarasp6, whose 
son Poriishaspo (Av. Pourushaspa) she marries. The Glory is 
therefore upon earth, ready to appear in the form of man. 
Such at least is the scriptural account found in the Dinkart.® 

Second, the archangels Vohiman and Ashavahisht, descend- 
ing from heaven, convey to earth another of the three elements, 


1Dk. 7. 2. 59-61; see West’strans- 7. 14. 1 (SBE. xxxvii. p. 31); Dk. 


lation, SBE. xlvii. 31. 7. 2. 2 seq.; Zsp. 18. 4 (SBE. xlvii. 
2Dk. 7. 2. 62-69; Zsp. 12. 7-25. pp. 17, 189). 
8 Yt. 19. 25-90; cf. also West, SBE. 5 Dk. 7. 2. 4-11; see West, SBE. 
xlvii. Introd. § 30. xlvii. 18-20. 


4 Cf. Spend Nask Summary in Dk. 


MIRACLES BEFORE HIS BIRTH 25 


the Guardian Spirit (Phl. fravdhar, Av. fravast), bearing it in 
a stem of the Hom-plant, the height of a man. For a time 
this precious stem is placed in the nest of two birds whose 
young have been devoured by serpents: it protects the brood 
and kills the reptiles. Thus it continues as a talisman in the 
keeping of the birds,! until required again by the archangels, 
and until Pértishasp6 (Pourushaspa), who meanwhile had mar- 
ried Duktaab (Dughdhova), meets with the two presiding ser- 
aphim ‘in the cattle-pasture of the Spitamas’ and receives 
from them the cherished rod, which he gives to his wife to pre- 
serve. Much of all this, it is true, has a mythical ring or an 
allegorical note. 

Third, the Substantial Nature (Phl. gohar), or material | 
essence, which completes the holy triad, is miraculously com- 
bined with the elements of milk, through the agency of water 
and the plants, or through the archangels Khirdat and Mirdat. 
The demons vainly seek to destroy this ;? but the milk is mixed 
with Hom and is drunk by the future prophet’s parents. In 
this roundabout way the Pahlavi text accounts for the com- 
bination of the three elements, the glory, the spirit, and the 
body, and the child is conceived, despite the machinations of 
the demons. Throughout the narrative the presence of an 
Oriental tendency to symbolism and ritualistic significance is’ 
manifest. The same story is repeated by the Arab writer 
Shahrastani (A.D. 1086-1153), and it is narrated again in the 
Dabistan.® 

The pregnancy of the mother whose womb is hallowed to 
bear such fruit, is attended by occurrences equally remarkable 
and by circumstances astounding in their nature. These miracu- 
lous occurrences are told and interpreted in the Dinkart, Zat- 


1 Have we here a reflex of the an- 4Dk. 7. 2. 36-72; Zsp. 18. 4. 
cient Sanskrit myth of Soma and the 5 Shahrastani, Uebersetzt, Haar- 
Eagle ? briicker, i. 276 seq. ; Gottheil, Refer- 
AD really) - ences to Zoroaster, p. 48; Dabistan, 


. 2, 22-85. 
2 Dk) 7. 2. 44-45. tr. Shea and Troyer, i. 212 seq. 


26 EARLY LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATION 


sparam, and Zartusht Namah, as well as recorded by Shahrastani 
and repeated in the Dabistan.! We at once recall parallels in 
other nations. 

Birth and Childhood of Zoroaster, according to Tradition. — 
The traditional source of information on the subject of the 
birth and early life of the Prophet, was originally the Spend Nask 
of the Avesta, which gave an account of the first ten years of 
Zoroaster’s existence. Unfortunately this Nask has been lost ; 
but its substance is worked into the Pahlavi literature, as is 
known from the summaries of the Nasks that we have in 
Pahlavi and in Persian ;? and doubtless much of the actual 
material from it is preserved in the Dinkart, in the Selections 
of Zat-sparam, and in the Modern Persian Zartusht Namah.? 
These works stand to Zoroastrianism somewhat as the Lalita 
Vistara to Buddhism. 
in the following pages are based upon them, unless otherwise 


The general statements which are made 


indicated, and the material they contain is supplemented by 
incidental allusions in such writers as Shahrastani or in the 
Dabistan which draw from like sources. 

These accounts of the birth and early life are largely legendary 
and they are colored by fancy. 
power of vivid imagination the stories that have gathered 
around Zoroaster’s miraculous conception. But that need not 
Legends have grown up about the birth 


Some of them surpass in 


awaken surprise. 
and youthful years of Buddha,‘ and miraculous incidents are 
connected with the Mosaic Lawgiver. Persia is not behind in 


this.® 


1 Dk. 7. 2.58-55 ; Zsp. 14. 1-5 ; ZtN. 8 For translations, see West, SBE. 


tr. Eastwick (Wilson, Parsi Religion, 
p. 480-3). 

2 Dk. 8. 14. 1-2; 9. 24. 1-3; Pers. 
Riv. 2. 13; Din-Vijirkart, 13; see West, 
Pahlavi Texts translated, in SBE. 
Xxxvii. pp. 31, 226-9, 425, 444, 469; 
also Shahrastani, Uebersetzt, Haar- 
briicker, i. 276; Gottheil, References 
to Zoroaster, p. 48; cf. next note. 


vols. xxxvii. and xlvii. and Zartusht 
Namah, tr. by Eastwick in Wilson, 
Parsi Religion, pp. 475-522. Con- 
stant use has been made of these 
translations. 

4See Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 82 
seq. (Eng. translation) ; Warren, Bud- 
dhism in Translations, p. 38 seq. 

5 Some have even claimed that Mo- 


BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD OF ZOROASTER Ze 


In every religion the birth of its founder must be heralded 
by supernatural signs and omens and accompanied by wonders 
and prodigies. A star appears, a comet blazes forth, or the 
earth isshaken. In the Avesta all nature rejoices at Zoroaster’s 
birth ; the very trees and rivers share in the universal thrill of 
gladness that shoots through the world ; while Ahriman and the | 

_terror-stricken demons take flight into the depths of earth.1 

( His birth, moreover, is,in answer to pious prayers addressed by 
his father to Haoma.?) His fitness for the prophetic mission 
which he is to undertake is divinely recognized, and Ahura 
Mazda himself selects this inspired being as his own messenger 
to the world.? So much for the Avesta. The Pahlavi writings 
also do not tire of recounting how the fiends contended to pre- 
vent his birth; how a divine light shone round the house; | 
and a shout of joy arose when life triumphed ; and especially 
they recount the loud laughter which burst from the child as 
he came into the world. The tradition that Zoroaster laughed 
instead of crying at his birth is as old at least as Pliny ; 
it is current in Eastern writers and elsewhere. Pliny at the 
same time adds that the child’s brain throbbed so violently as 


| 
| 
i 
| 
| 


saic influences were at work in the 
Zoroastrian legends. See Kohut, Zo- 
roastrian Legends and their Biblical 
Sources in the Independent (N.Y.), 
March 19, 1891. 

PYG. 18. 93-94; Ys. 9. 15; Yt. 27. 
19. 

2Ys. 9. 12-15; compare what was 
noted of the Hém-branch above. 

SYsng 12-145 Yt. 17. 18-20 + Ys: 
EB) ei MGs Gay elie 

4 Dk. 8. 14.2; 9. 24. 1-10 (West, 
SBE. xxxvii. 31, 226-9, 469); and Dk. 
7. 2. 56-8 ; 5. 2.2; Zsp. 18. 1-3 (West, 
SBE. xlvii. 30, 122, 189); and Shah- 
rastani (Gottheil, References, p. 49). 
Other references below. The Apocry- 
phal N. T. Protoevang. 14. 11-12, and 
I. Infancy, 1. 10, give a legend of our 


Lord’s birth in a cave which is divinely 
illuminated. In the Sanskrit Katha- 
saritsagara (i. 325, transl. Tawney), 
the room in which a wonderful child 
is born is illuminated by a strange 
light. 

5 Dk. 7. 3. 2 and 25; Dk. 5. 2. 5; 
Zsp. 14. 12 and 16; cf. West, SBE. 
xlvii. pp. 35, 41, 123, 142, 143; ZtN. 
p. 483; Shahrastani (Haarbriicker, i. 
277, Gottheil, References, p. 49) ; Da- 
bistan, i. p. 219, Mirkhond, tr. Shea, 
p. 286. Also Pliny, H.N. 7. 16. 15; 
Scholion to the Platonic Alcibiades ; 
Augustine, de Civ. Dei, 21. 14; all 
cited below in Appendix V., VI. See 
likewise preface to the Icelandic Snorra 
Edda (Jackson, PAOS. xvi. p. ccxxvi. 
March, 1894. See Appendix VI.). 


28 EARLY LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATION 


to repel the hand laid upon his head—a presage of future 
wisdom ! 

Demons and wizards—for all the opponents of Zoroaster 
are conceived to be such — instinctively now foresee their des- 
tined defeat and ruin and Zoroaster’s own glorious ascendency.1 
They seek accordingly to compass the young child’s death. 
They fail in their efforts just as the powers of evil had already 
failed when they strove to prevent his coming into the world. 
The heretical Kavis and Karpans (Phl. Kigs and Karaps), 
who are apparently idolatrous priests,? are his especial foes. 
The Turanian Karap Durasrobo (Dirasarin, Duransartin) is the 
Herod of the day. His wicked partner and villanous accom- 
plice is one Bratrok-résh, whose name is ultimately connected 
with Zoroaster’s death when the Prophet was of advanced age.* 
Bratrok-résh is one of five Karap brothers: the names of the 
quintette are given as Brat-rikhsh, Brat-royishn, Brat-résh the 
Tur (or Tir-i Bratrok-résh), Hazan, and Vadast. The name 
of this Bratrdk-résh (or Briatar-vakhsh) occurs comparatively 
often in Pahlavi literature at least and it appears under a vari- 
ety of forms.6 The machinations of Durasrobo are particu- 
larly violent. It is only the intervention of a divine provi- 
dence that saves the little Zarattsht, while still an infant in 
the cradle, from having his head crushed in or twisted off by 
this fiendish man, or that wards off a pogniard stroke from the 
same hand which becomes withered as a punishment forits wicked 
attempt.7? Some of the resemblances between this monstrous 
ruler and Pharaoh or Herod would not be uninteresting to 
trace if there were opportunity. 


1 Vd. 19. 46, and elsewhere. 128 (d). Perhaps a descendant of 
2See West’s note in SBE. xlvii.19. his is referred to. 
8 Dk. 7%. 3. 4-41, etc; cf. Justi, 5 Zsp. 15. 3; cf. Zsp. 17. 1 (West, 


Tranisches Namenbuch, p. 87, ZtN. p. SBE. xlvii. 143. 147). The reading of 
484, and see West, SBH. xlvii. 175 the names is not absolutely certain. 
(Index). 6 See Justi, Namenbuch, p. 71. 

4 This would assign to Bratrok-résh 7Dk. 7. 3. 5-6; 5. 8, 2; Zsp. 15. 
an extraordinary longevity. See p. 2-3; ZtN. p. 484; Dabistan, i. p. 219. 


ZOROASTER’S YOUTH AND EDUCATION 29 


The malicious Duirasrob6, moreover, is even successful for a 
time in making Porishaspo afraid of his own son,! so that he 
does not prevent the machinations of those who are plotting 
against the young child’s life. No angel is sent from heaven 
to tell his parents to take the child into another land. Four 
separate attempts at least are made to destroy the babe in spite 
of the mother’s watchful alertness. An attempt is made, and 
not without the father’s connivance, to burn the infant in a 
huge fire; but its life is saved by a miracle.2 An endeavor 
is made by the sorcerers to have the babe trampled to death by 
a herd of oxen; the leading ox stands over the tiny prodigy 
and prevents it from perishing beneath the feet of the herd.® 
The same experiment is repeated with horses; the babe is res- 
cued in the same marvellous manner. Even wolves whose 
young have been killed do not harm a hair of the divine child’s 
head ; in their very den and lair he is suckled by a sheep.® 
The lion shall lie down with the lamb! In all these accounts, 
idealization is evidently at work. But after all we may per- 
haps imagine that a rationalistic background of truth possibly 
lies at the basis of each of these hairbreadth escapes of child- 
hood’s days magnified by coming ages. The allusion to expo- 
sure to a wolf throws light at least upon the conditions in the 
time at which the accounts were written. 

Zoroaster’s Youth and Education. — Before the boy’s seventh 
year, his father Purshasp (as the Zartusht Namah calls him), 
knowing that even the demons and wizards® had predicted a 
great future for the youth, places the lad under the care of a 
wise and learned man, as the Zartusht Namah narrates.? The 


1Dk. 7. 3. 7-8 seq.; Zsp. 16. 8-4; 5 Dk. 7. 3. 15-19; Dk. 5. 2.4; Zsp. 
Dabistan, i. p. 219. 16. 8-11; ZtN. pp. 486-7 ; Dab. i. pp. 
2 Dk. 7. 3. 9-10; Zsp. 16.7; ZtN. 220-221. 
p. 484. 6 We may conceive how the false 
3 Dk. 7. 3. 11-12; Zsp. 16. 4-5; teachers of the pre-Zoroastrian faith 
ZtN. p. 485; Dabistan, i. p. 220. were looked upon as devils and necro- 


4Dk. 7. 3. 18-14; Zsp. 16. 6-7;  mancers. 
ZtN. p. 485-6; Dab. i. p. 220. 7 ZtN. p. 488. See also Dab. i. p. 224. 


30 EARLY LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATION 


venerable teacher’s name is then given as Burzin-kurts.! 
Pliny (1. N. 30. 2. 1) seems to have understood from Hermip- 
pus that the name of Zoroaster’s teacher was Aganaces (Azo- 
naces), but the passage is not quite clear. See below, Appen- 
dix V. § 5. 

In connection with the subject of Zoroaster’s youthful days, 
it is proper to make passing mention at least of some Syriac 
and Arabic reports which connect his name with Jeremiah (or 
even with Ezra) and which make Zoroaster a pupil of Jere- 
miah, or even go so far as to identify him with Baruch, the lat- 
ter’s scribe.2 These biassed accounts assert that the pupil 
proved treacherous to his master and was cursed by God with 
the affliction of leprosy. These passages are quoted elsewhere ® 
and the most important are given below in Appendix IV.; it is 
not necessary therefore to cite them here nor to repeat how the 
identification probably arose from an erroneous connection of 
the name Armiah (Jeremiah) with Urmiah (Urumiah), Zoro- 
aster’s presumed birthplace; nor is it necessary to add how the 
name of Zaratisht might become associated with the Hebrew 
sara‘ath (Zaraath) ‘leprosy,’* especially if Moslem influence 
wished to detract as much as possible from Persia’s Sage. 

The narratives given above are about all that we can gather 
in the way of tradition regarding Zoroaster’s early youth and 
training. It is to be regretted that we do not know more of 
the moulding forces that were instrumental in forming so cre- 
ative a mind; nor are we clear in every detail as to the condi- 
tions of the society in which he was brought up or in which he 
afterwards labored and taught. The picture which is some- 
times vaguely outlined by the Gathas or dimly suggested in 
the ‘ Younger Avesta,’ or which one gains from a perusal of the 


1 Does this name contain a disguised 3 See especially Gottheil, References 
form of Skt. guru, ‘exalted teacher’ ? to Zoroaster in Arabic and Syriac Lit- 
On the form burzin, ef. Justi, Namen- erature (Drisler Classical Studies). 
buch, pp. 74, 490, and add pp. 168, 4 Cf. Kohut, Zoroastrian Legends, 
499 (Kuru, Kurus). the Independent, (N.Y.), March 19, 

2 See Appendix II. pp. 165-166. 1891. 


ZOROASTER’S YOUTH AND EDUCATION eal 


traditions in Pahlavi literature is not altogether a bright one, 
if we are to interpret, as one might interpret, the allusions to 
devil-worship and Daévas (which recall the present Yezidis) 
and the references to the slaughter and maltreatment of the 
kine, a lack of morality, falsehood, oath-breaking, and personal 
impurity. These are among the many things to which Zoroas-_ 
ter turned his attention when his reformatory work began. 

Tradition goes on to say that even when the lad had attained 
his seventh year,! the inimical Duirasrobd and Bratrok-résh still 
continue to connive against him, to harass and assail him. By 
magic practices they endeavor to daunt his spirit, and they even | 
attempt to destroy his body by poison.” It is evident that the | 
real opposition and struggle which was later to arise in the 
Prophet’s life between his own faith and the existing religion 
which it supplanted or reformed, is projected into the past and 
conceived of as a case of personal enmity and hatred already 
developed between the two representatives of the creed and the 
youthful Zoroaster. 

If we are to judge at least from the later literature of the 
Pahlavi, black art and magic practices, occult science and 
necromancy were the order of the time. We seem to have a 
sort of background of Doctor Faustus and the Europe of the 
Dark Ages. Even Porishaspo (Pourushaspa) himself is not 
free from the influence of the two sorcerers Durasrobd and 
Bratrok-résh, with whom he not infrequently associates.? All } 
these misguided persons, especially Dirasrobo, are openly rebuked 
by Zarattsht for their heresy, and are put to confusion by the 
young reformer when they endeavor to argue with him, much 
as Christ at the age of twelve disputes with the doctors in the 
temple, refutes their doctrines and vanquishes his opponents. 


1 B.c. 653, according to West’s cal- 3 Dk. 7. 3. 32-35. 
culations; see his table below, Ap- 4 Dk. 7. 3. 34-48 ; Zsp. 17. 1-6 ; 18. 
pendix III. 5-7; 19. 8; ZtN. pp. 489-90; Dab. i. 


2 Dk. 7. 3. 32-33; ZtN. pp. 488-9; pp. 228-9. 
Dab. i. pp. 226-7. 


32 EARLY LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATION 


The plotting Dirasrobo, as a punishment for his wickedness in 
endeavoring to thwart the righteous, comes to a violent end, as 
fearful as it is strange. The circumstances are described in 
the Dinkart and the Zat-sparam Selections. Zarattsht is next 
confirmed in the true religious vows by assuming the ‘ Kusti,’ 
or sacred thread, at the age of fifteen ;? and when he attains 
this year of his life the wiles of the fiendish magicians are 
practically brought to naught. The age of fifteen years, even 
as early as the Avesta,‘ is regarded as an ideal age or the age of 
majority. A passage in the Pahlavi texts tells that when Zara- 
tiisht attained his fifteenth year® he and his brothers ‘demanded 
a portion from their father, and their portions were allotted out 
by him.’® As a part of his share Zoroaster chooses a girdle; 
this signifies the sacred girdle of religion which he assumed. 

Period of Religious Preparation; from his Fifteenth to his 
Thirtieth Year. — From his fifteenth year to the age of thirty 
the tradition is more meagre in its details. The period is a 
time not so much of action as it is a time of religious prepara- 
tion. And yet the lapse of these fifteen years is not devoid of 
recorded incident. An occurrence to show Zaratiisht’s com- 
passionate nature and sympathy for the aged is quoted in the 
Selections of Zat-sparam, and another is cited to illustrate his 
generous disposition by his dealing out fodder, from his father’s 
supply, to the beasts of burden of others in a time of famine.’ 
The Zartusht Namah substantiates this reputation given to him 
for tender-heartedness and for goodness.® 

At the age of twenty the Zat-sparam recounts that ‘abandon- 
ing worldly desires and laying hold of righteousness’ he de- 
parts from the house of his father and mother and wanders 


1Dk. 7. 3. 44-45; Zsp. 19. 7-8; 5 p.c. 645, according to West; see 
Dab. i. p. 229. Appendix III. below. 

2The Brahmanical cord of India 6 Zsp. 20. 1-4; West’s translation, 
shows that this investiture was an an- SBZ. xlvii. 151. 
cient institution. 7 Zsp. 20. 4-6. 

8 Zsp. 20. 1-2; ZtN. p. 490. 8 ZtN. p. 490, ll. 11-25. 


4 Ys. 9. 5. 


4 


PERIOD OF RELIGIOUS PREPARATION 33 


forth, openly inquiring thus: ‘Who is most desirous of right- 
eousness and most nourishing the poor?’ And they spoke 
thus : ‘He who is the youngest son of Adrvaité-dih, the Tir.’! | 
Zoroaster goes ‘to that place’ and lends his codperation in 
serving the poor with food. A further example of his com- 
passion, as the text says, ‘not only upon mankind, but also upon 
other creatures,’ is given in the same passage. A starving bitch 
who has five puppies is seen by him whose soul is stirred by 
every misery. Zoroaster hastens to bring some bread to her, 
but the creature is dead before he reaches her.? 

Of a different nature, but none the less characteristic, is an 
incident narrated in the same connection in the chapter. The 
account declares that when he wished to marry, with the 
approval of his parents, and ‘his father sought a wife for him,’ 
he requested that the bride should show her face before being 
taken in marriage.? This incident seems to point to an idea of 
social progress and reform in customs that is equally character- 
istic of the modern Parsis.4 

Zoroaster’s readiness to learn, moreover, and to profit by 
what is good even in the teachings of the bad is illustrated by 
additional actions. On one occasion, upon inquiring in open 
assembly, what may be accounted as the most favorable for the 
soul, he is told, ‘to nourish the poor, to give fodder to cattle, 
to bring firewood to the fire, to pour Him-juice into water, | 
and to worship many demons.’ Zoroaster gives proof of his 
eclectic tendency by performing the first four of these injunc- 
tions as worthy of a righteous man to do; but demon-worship 
he absolutely denounces. 

There are no other specific details in Pahlavi literature to fill 
up the period from this moment to the coming of the revelation 


1 Quotations from Zsp. 20. 8-9 2 Zsp. 20. 10-11, SBH. xlvii. 153. 


(West’s translation). It is to be 8 Zsp. 20. 12-18. 
noted that the father Aarvaitd-dang 4QOne need only read Dosabhai 
himself, as well as hisson (‘progeny’), | Framji Karaka’s History of the Parsis. 
is alluded to in Dk, 7. 4. 7-8, after Zo- 5 Zsp. 20. 14-16. 


roaster had received the revelation. 
D 


4 EARLY LIFE AND RELIGIOUS PREPARATION 


when he was thirty years old. They were undoubtedly the 
years of meditation, reflection, and religious preparation that 
correspond to similar periods of divine communings and philo- 
sophic introspection in other religious teachers. Parallels might 
easily be cited. It is to this period of Zoroaster’s life that the 
Scholiast of the Platonic Alcibiades apparently alludes when 
he relates that Zoroaster kept silent for seven years ;! and it is 
referred to by Pliny in the statement that for twenty years 
Zoroaster lived in desert places upon cheese.* According to 
Porphyrius and Dio Chrysostom, he passed his time upon a 
mountain in a natural cave which he had symbolically adorned 
in a manner to represent the world and the heavenly bodies.® 
The mountain is illuminated by a supernatural fire and splen- 
dor. Lightnings and thunders were about the summit of Sinai 
also, and clouds and thick smoke shrouded its sides, while the 
base of the mountain quaked violently, when the voice of the 
Lord spoke unto Moses. The Avesta (Vd. 22. 19) mentions 
the ‘Forest and the Mountain of the two Holy Communing 
Ones’ — Ahura Mazda and Zarathushtra — where intercourse 
was held between the godhead and his prophetic representative 
upon earth. Kazwini calls this Iranian Sinai Mount Sabalan ;° 
Mirkhond similarly alludes to the mountains about the city of 
Ardabil, and adds a quotation that is evidently drawn from the 
Avestan allusion to the adjoining river Darej.6 <A further 


1Schol. ad Alcib. p. 122, da 75 roy Nymph. 6. 7, Zwpoderpov adrodves 


Zwpodotpny ¢' yeyevoudvoy érav cww1h- 
cat; see below, Appendix V. §1. 

2 Pliny, 11. 42.97. <A ‘desert with 
a temple for star-gazing’ is also men- 
tioned by Yakiit (vol. iii. p. 487), and 
this desert is called ‘ the desert of Zar- 
dusht, the head of the Magians’ (Got- 
theil, References, p. 47 n.). For the 
milk diet of Zoroaster, compare also 
Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv.4.1.1. See 
Appendix V. §$ 5, 6, for the quotations. 

3 Dio Chrysostom, Borysth. Orat. 
xxxvi. and Porphyrius de Antro 


om7jdatov é€v Tots tAnolov bpeor THS Iepal- 
dos. App. V. gives text in full. The 
passage is of special interest in regard 
to the Mithra cult, in which caves and 
mountains played a particular part. 
See Windischmann, Withra, Abh. f. k. 
d. Morg. i. 62, Leipzig, 1857; also 
Zor. Stud. p. 312. 

4 Exodus xix. 3-18. Cf. also Spie- 
gel, HA. i. 697; and Darab Sanjana, 
Geiger’s Eastern Iranians, ii. 205. 

5 Gottheil, References, p. 40. 

6 Mirkhond, History of Persia, tr. 


CONCLUSION 35 


suggestion on the localization is offered below. Magian wor- 
ship on the high mountains is familiar from the time of Herod- 
otus (1. 181 seq.) onward.t 

This time of early retirement and seclusion must have been 
the period in which Zoroaster fought out the fight that raged 
in his own bosom and in which he began to solve the problem 
of life, the enigma of the world, and the question of belief, as 
his religion solved it. Here he doubtless began also to formu- 
late the first general truths out of which his religious system 
was evolved. It is the stillness of the forest or of some lone 
retreat that lifts the soul into communion with nature and 
with God. The long retirement and separation from men, the 
hours of meditation, introspection and abstraction, had brought 
the material frame into complete subjection, no doubt, and had 
lifted the spiritual body into a realm of ecstatic rapture and 
transcendent exaltation which prepared it for prophetic vision. 
At this moment came the Revelation and the first of the seven 
hallowed manifestations which only a soul inspired by the fer- 
vor of religious ecstasy was entitled to behold. 

Conclusion. — The first few years of the life of Zoroaster are 
represented by a series of miraculous events which tradition 
has fancifully colored. When he becomes of age he retires 
from the world for a number of years which were doubtless 
given to meditation and religious preparation. At thirty the 
Revelation comes, and he enters upon his ministry. 


Shea, p. 286, Zoroaster says ‘this vol- 22. 12); see Appendix IV. pp. 194, 
ume (the Zend-Avesta) has descended 195, 201. 

to me from the roof of the house 1Qne need only recall Behistan 
which is on that mountain (cf. Vd. (*Baghastina) ‘place of the God- 
19. 4. 11; Bd. 20. 32; 24. 15; Zsp. head.’ 


——— 


CHAPTER IV 
THE REVELATION 


ZOROASTER’S SEVEN VISIONS AND THE FIRST TEN YEARS OF 
THE RELIGION 


‘You long to chase, uncaptured yet, 
The young wild-fire of Shelley’s mind, 
And how your Zoroaster met 
His shadow in the garden, find.’ 
—Gerorcre E. Woopprrry. 


Intropuctory Survey—Sourcres or INFORMATION AND WHAT WE GATHER 
FROM THEM — ‘THE REVELATION’ — First Vision, CONFERENCE WITH 
AnurRA Mazpa—Serconp Vision, Vonu MananH—ScENES AND CrircuM- 
STANCES OF THE REMAINING VISIONS AND CONFERENCES WITH THE ARCH- 
ANGELS — THE TEMPTATION OF ZOROASTER — MAIDHYOI- MAONHA, HIS 
First DiscrpL—E — CONCLUSION 


Introductory Survey. — The quickening spirit is now ready 
to bring forth the first fruit of its long labor. At the age of 
thirty comes the divine light of revelation, and Zoroaster enters 
upon the true pathway of the faith. It is in this year! that 
the archangel of Good Thought, Vohu Manah, appears unto 
Zarathushtra in a vision and leads his soul in holy trance into 
the presence of God, Ahura Mazda. The year of this first 
inspired revelation is known in the Pahlavi texts as ‘the Year 
of the Religion,’ and there are numerous allusions here and 
elsewhere to the fact that Zoroaster was thirty years of age at 
the time.?._ Parallels for the beginning of his ministry at this 


1 3.c. 630, according to tradition as 2 Dk. 7. 3. 51; 8. 14.3; Zsp. 21.15 
calculated by West, SBH. xlvii. Introd. ZtN. p. 490; also Masitdi, Prairies 
§ 55, and see Appendix III. below. ad’ Or, ii. p. 153, tr. Barbier de Mey- 


36 


INTRODUCTORY SURVEY on 


age are not far to seek. During the ten years that follow this 
apocalyptic vision, Zorodster has seven different conferences 
with Ahura Mazda and the six Amesha Spentas. 

Many events occurred during this time, and a number of 
marvellous incidents are recounted in connection with this 
opening period of his prophetic career, as narrated in the Din- 
kart, Zat-sparam, Zartusht Namah, and elsewhere. His teach- 
ing does not seem at the outset to have met with favor. 


Reforms come slowly and the ground must be prepared. Ten 


years elapsed — years of wandering and struggle, of hope and 
dejection, of trial and temporary despair — before he won his 


first convert. This zealous adherent is his own cousin Maidh- | 


yoi-maonha (Phl. Métyd-mah), who is often mentioned in 


the Avesta and other writings.! He is a very different char- | 


acter from Buddha’s traitorous and schismatic cousin Deva- | 


datta, and he stands as the St. John of Zoroastrianism. Finally, 
in the twelfth year of the Religion,? Kavi Vishtaspa (Phl. Kai 
Vishtasp, Mod. Pers. Gushtasp) is converted and becomes the 
Constantine of the Faith—the Raji Bimbisara, if not the 


Asoka, of Buddhism. After the king adopts the Creed, many | 


conversions follow, and the Prophet’s own family, relatives, 
and friends are frequently referred to in the Avesta and else- 
where as having become faithful adherents and believers. 
All these events have so important a bearing that they must 
be discussed in detail. A sort of synoptic view may be gained 
by gathering together various pieces of the scattered material 
and by combining stray allusions into a connected narrative. 
A consecutive account of the occurrences is therefore here 
attempted, but it must frankly be stated that the exact 


nard ; cf. JAOS. xvii. p.10; Schol. to 1, 8, 11; Syriac Book of the Bee (A.v. 

Platonic Alcibiades I, p. 122 (Zwpod- 1250), p. 81, ed. Budge, in Anecdota 

orpnv) werd XN’ xpdvous éinyjoacda TG  Oxoniensia, Semitic Series, Oxford, 

Bagiret- ris Sys pirocoplas; see Ap- 1886. 

pendix V. §1 (Plato) below. 2p.c. 618 of the tradition, West, 
1Cf. Yt. 18. 95; Ys. 51. 19; Bd. SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 55, and Appen- 

32. 2; Dk. 9. 44. 19; Zsp. 21. 3; 28. dix III. below. 


38 THE REVELATION 


sequence of events is sometimes difficult to determine with pre- 
cision. Caution may be used in accepting the results without 
qualification, as they cannot be freed from subjective tenden- 
cies. Nevertheless they represent in general outline the tra- 
dition. So much by way of introduction. 

Sources of Information and what we gather from them. — 
The sources from which we obtain material to fill up the first 
period after the Revelation, the ten or twelve years that 
elapsed until the meeting between Zoroaster and King Vish- 
taspa, and the latter’s conversion, are the same as have already 
been described. But now that we have reached the real 
period of Zarathushtra’s prophetic career this material may be 
augmented in a special manner by the Gathas or Zoroastrian 
Psalms. Like the Psalms of David these often indicate situa- 
tions or conditions in a more or less direct manner, so that 
they help very much in drawing inferences. 

From our various sources of information two facts may be 
gathered with certainty: one is, that after receiving the Reve- 
lation Zoroaster wandered about, as the dervishes of Ivan still 
wander, going from place to place in search of a fruitful soil 
for his teaching; the other is, that during this period, like the 
prophets of old, he was inspired from time to time by supernat- 
ural visions and manifestations. The truth of both assertions 
is proved by the Avesta and the Pahlavi texts, and it is sub- 
stantiated by Arabic and Syriac writers.? 

The Arab writer Tabari, who calls Zoroaster a disciple of 
Jeremiah and speaks of him as a native of Palestine, goes on to 
state in the course of his history that ‘he wandered to Adar- 
baijin and preached there the Magian religion; and from there 
he went to Bishtasp (Vishtaspa), who was in Balkh.’? The 
chronicler Ibn al-Athir (A.p. thirteenth century), who incor- 


1 Among Avestan passages compare 2¥For the full quotation, see Got- 
Ys. 81. 8; 48. 5 seq. ; 46. 1 seq. and theil, References, p. 37, and compare 
others to be noted below inconnection also Appendix IV.p.198 below, where 
with the Pahlavi and Arabic. comments are made. 


SOURCES OF INFORMATION 39 


porated much of Tabari into his own work, is able to add that, 
preaching from his sacred book, the Avesta, ‘(Zardusht) went 
from Adarbaijan to Faris (Persia); but no one understood 
what was in it. Thence he wandered to India and offered it 
(the Avesta) to the princes there. Then he went to China and 
to the Turks, but not one of them would receive him. They 
drove him out from their country. He travelled to Ferghanah, 
but its prince wished to slay him.! From there he fled and 
came to Bishtasp, son of Lohrasp (Aurvat-aspa), who com- 
manded that he be imprisoned. He suffered imprisonment for 
some time.’2 This statement like the preceding is more fully 
discussed in Appendix IV. in its relation to the scene of Zoro- 
aster’s ministry. Such passages have the value at least of show- 
ing the existence of a tradition to the effect that Zoroaster 
wandered about as an itinerant teacher until fortune led him | 
to Vishtaspa. Zoroaster was performing the part of one of 
those Athravan priests to whom the Avesta alludes as ‘coming 
from afar.’ Nor may his wanderings have been fruitless, for 
no doubt the seed that had been sown in these places did not 
prove barren but sprang up later when Zoroastrianism began 
to spread as the state religion over Iran. 

But to return to Pahlavi literature and to Zoroastrian writ- 
‘ings. The Zartusht Namah says: ‘When Zoroaster attained 
his thirtieth year, he was relieved from danger and his works 
bare fruit. His heart was directed to Iran. He left his place in 
company with some others. Of those, some who were his rela- 
tions accompanied him on this journey.’* On the way the 
party passes through a sea whose waters are lowered by a mir- 
acle so as to allow a free crossing.» ‘They travel forward more 


1 Query. Have we here a reminis- 4 ZtN. p. 490. 
cence of Alirvaita-dang the Tir, Dk. 7. 5 ZtN. p. 490. This would be ap- 
4. 7-14 ? propriate to Lake Urumiah, judging 
2 Gottheil, References, p. 39. from the description given by Curzon, 


3 Cf. Eugen Wilhelm, Priester und Persia, i. 533-5 ; Spiegel (HA. i. 694) 
Ketzer im alten Eran,in ZDMG. xliv. suggests Lake Sevan. 
143-144, 


40 THE REVELATION 


than a month until they reach the confines of Iran. This day, 
according to the Pahlavi Zat-sparam as well as the Zartusht 
Namah, was the last day ‘Anéran of the month Spendarmat 
(February 14—March 20) ’ —so precise is tradition.1_ Their des- 
tination, as the Zat-sparam indicates, is the place ‘where 
people went from many quarters out to the place of festival 
(jasnoear).’* The occasion is the celebration of the spring- 
tide festival. It seems to be a sort of annual religious convo- 
cation that they attend. We may remember in this connection 
that Gabriel revealed himself to Mohammed at the celebration 
of Ramadan. Thus Zoroaster, when halting ina plain of a river 
called Aévatak (one of the four branches of the Daitya), 
receives the first premonition and manifestation of what is to 
come. It is a vision of the approach of a victorious army 
headed by his cousin MétyOmah coming northwards to join 
him.$ 

The Revelation — First Vision — Conference with Ahura 
Mazda. — The auspicious hour is at hand. The archangel 
Vohu Manah (Phl. Vohiiman) is to reveal himself to Zoroaster. 
At dawn on the forty-fifth day of the Prophet’s journey, or the 
15th instant (Dadvo-pavan-Mitrd) of the month Artavahishtd 
(z.e. May 5) of the thirty-first year of the reign of Vishtasp,‘ 
the Revelation comes. Tradition takes delight in making 
exact statements. The scene where this event occurred is laid 
on the banks of the Daiti (Av. Daitya} —the Jordan of Zoroas- 
trianism —a river in Airan-Véj or Adarbaijan.6 The position 


1Zsp. 21. 1; ZtN. pp. 490-1. On 
the correspondence between the month 
Spendarmat and our calendar, see 
Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 33. 

2Zsp. 21. 1 (West’s translation), 
SBE. xlvii. 155. So also ZtN. pp. 
490-91, and Dabistan, i. p. 230. 

ZS Dwele eon cie Dikainioanole 
The Zartusht Namah (p. 491) is more 
elaborate in its details. Notice also 
the Dabistan, i. pp. 230-1. 


4 Artayahisht corresponds to April 
20-May19. The day, therefore, would 
be May 5. On the month, compare 
Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 33-34. The 
year would be s.c. 630. See West, 
SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 45, and Appen- 
dix III. below. 

5 Zsp. 21. 4; 22.2; ZtN. p. 491. 

6 Dk 7 3) OL 8. 1605 O23 asp 
21. 4, ‘the Daitih, because it is the 
river of the conference, etc.’ ; Zsp. 21. 


FIRST VISION 41 


of this river is discussed below in Appendix IV. p. 211; it 
is represented perhaps by the modern Kizel Uzen and its tribu- 
taries, which merges into the Spéd River of Adarbaijan. It is 
crossed by Zoroaster at four different depths, or more probably he 
fords four different streams. These crossings symbolically repre- 
sent four different eras in the history of the religion.! At the 
dawn, therefore, of the day named, as he stands upon the bank of 
the third channel, Aévatak, of the river Daiti, after bringing up 
the holy Hom-water, Zaratisht suddenly beholds a glorified 
image of the archangel Vohtman (Good Thought) coming 
toward him from the south, and bearing in his hand a glossy 
staff — ‘the spiritual twig of the religion (maindg tak-t déno).’? 
In a brief space of time, as he reaches the fourth affluent, | 
Aishan-rit, of the good Daiti, the image of Vohtman becomes 
a realization, and a transcendent figure of colossal proportions, 
‘nine times as large as a man,’ rises before him, reminding us 
somewhat of the great image that arose before Daniel, by the 
side of the river which is Hiddekel.? Vohtiman opens his lips 
and begins to question the enrapt seer, — this situation is alluded 
to in the Avestan Gathas, — and after bidding him to lay aside 
his ‘garment’ (or the vesture of his material body), the seraphic 
messenger leads away his soul in ecstatic trance into the glorious 
and dazzling presence of Atharmazd and the Amshaspands.* 
No sooner does Zarattisht enter this radiant assembly than 
he ceases to behold ‘his own shadow upon the ground, on 
account of the great brilliancy of the archangels’; and, as the 
words of the text continue, ‘the position of the assembly was in 


13, ‘the position of the assembly was 
in Iran, and in the direction of the 
districts on the bank of the water of the 
Daitih’ (West’s translation, SBE. 
xlvii. 157). Again, ZtN. p. 491. 

1 Zsp. 21.6-7 ; ZtN. pp. 491-2 ; Dab. 
i, 231-2. 

2 Dk. 7. 3. 51-53; Zsp. 21. 2, 5, 6 
(West) ; ZtN. p. 492; Dab. i. 232-3. 


3 Dk. 7. 3. 54; Zsp. 21. 8-9. Cf. 
Daniel x. 4-21. I am furthermore 
indebted to Dr. Thomas Davidson, 
through my friend Mr. William Ross 
Warren, of New York, for some inter- 
esting hints and suggestions as to 
Daniel parallels. 

4 Compare Ys. 48. 5 seq. with DK. 7. 
3. 55; Zsp. 21. 9-10. 


42 THE REVELATION 


Iran, and in the direction of the districts on the bank of the 
water of the Daitih.’! He offers homage to Atharmazd and 
the Amshaspands, saying : ‘ Homage to Atharmazd, and homage 
to the archangels’; and then, as the passage adds, ‘he went 
forward and sat down in the seat of the enquirers.’? The door 
of heaven having thus been opened, and the favored of the 
godhead having been ushered in, the first and most important 
of all the conferences is begun. The Supreme Being himself 
presides; the Prophet is instructed in the great cardinal 
doctrines of the Faith, by the Omniscient Wisdom ; and thrice 
in the same day the beatific vision is repeated.? Marvellous 
signs are shown unto Zoroaster, and he is initiated into sublime 
secrets by ordeals which symbolize future epochs and crises in 
the history of the Creed. The circumstances of the first vision 
of God are at least hinted at in the Gathas,? which makes us 
still more regret the loss of the original Nasks; but the details 
are elaborated in Pahlavi literature and in Persian Zoroastrian 
writings which are probably based upon the older material.® 

The Next Two Years— Zoroaster begins Preaching. — On the 
completion of the first conference and Zoroaster’s return to 
earth he proceeds to obey Atharmazd’s command by teaching 
and prophesying, for the next two years, to the ruling heretical 
priests, Kigs and Karaps, or the Kavis and Karpans, so often 
mentioned in the Gathais. These are the ‘blind and deaf to 
the Law,’ as the commentary describes them. They are the 
accursed band of unbelievers, or, to use the words of one of 
the Gathas, — 


The Kavis and the Karpans have united themselves with power 
For destroying the life of man by their evil deeds ; 


1 Zsp. 21. 138 (West’s translation); pare also Bahman Yasht 1. 1 seq. 


ef. also Dk. 7. 3. 60-61. (West, SBE. v. 191 seq.). 

2 Quotations from Zsp. 21. 14 5 E.g. Ys. 81. 8; 45. 8, and cf. 48. 
(West’s translation). 5 seq. 

8 Zsp. 21. 21. 6 Zsp. 21. 15-27; ZtN. pp. 492-5; 


4 Zsp. 21. 15-27; ZtN. p.494. Com- Dab. i. pp. 233-4. 


ZOROASTER BEGINS PREACHING 43 


But their own soul and their religion will make them howl 
/ When they come where the Bridge of the Accountant hereafter is, 
To be inmates for ever and ever in the House of Falsehood. (i.e. Hell) !1 


To these Zoroaster preaches the Mazda-worshipping religion, 
and the necessity of anathematizing the Demons, of glorify- 
ing the Archangels, and practising the next-of-kin marriage 
(xvétiikdas).2 But in vain. 

Zoroaster seeks the Turanian sovereign Aurvaita-dang, 
whose son has been mentioned above. This potentate, whom 
the Pahlavi text calls ‘scanty-giver,’ protects the Missionary, 
but refuses to be converted to the Creed and to follow its 
tenets, while his nobles are ‘clamorers for Zaratusht’s death.’ 
Curses are heaped upon him as a consequence. 

Zaratusht at the bidding of Atharmazd next visits a Karap, 
one Vaédvoisht by name, whom God has blessed with this 
world’s goods. He demands from the Karap a hundred youths, 
maidens, and teams of four horses, as a gift for the Almighty. 
An arrogant rebuff greets the Prophet of the Lord, and he flees 
for refuge to Atharmazd and receives from him the comforting 
assurance of the fearful punishment by death eternal which 
shall be summarily meted out upon the proud offender for his 
misdeed.4 And so also Elijah pronounced the doom of King 
Ahaziah because he recognized not that there isa God in Israel ! 

The fate of this Karap offender recalls some of the anathema 
passages in the Gathas and that visitation of wrath, both here 
and hereafter, which these Psalms call down upon powerful 
and stubborn unbelievers.> To the same crew as Vaédvoisht 
doubtless belong that creature of Satan, Hunu, if the word is 
a proper name,® and the infidel Usij, who, like the Karap, is a 


1 Ys. 46.11; cf. also Ys. 82. 12, 15; 6 Ys, 51. 10; cf. Phi. version. So 
44. 20; 48. 10; 51. 14. Mills, Zoroastrian Gdathds, p. 354-355 ; 
2Dk. 7. 4. 1-5; cf. also West, Justi, in Preuss. Jahrb. Bd. 88, p. 247, 
Grundriss d. iran. Philol. ii. 95. 234. Differently, Darmesteter, Le ZA. 
Bes 4.4. 720. i. 334; Justi, Tran. Namenbuch, p. 
4 Dk. 7. 4. 24-28. 132, reads Hunustar. 


6 Bg. Ys. 44. 19. 


44 THE REVELATION 


representative of heretical priestcraft,! or again such miscreants 
as the perverse Gréhma, Béndva, and Vaepya Kevina, who are 
anathematized in the Zoroastrian Psalms.? It was unhappy 
incidents like these and encounters with stiff-necked unbe- 
lievers who stopped their ears and refused to receive the 
healing word of the great Revelation, which the Prophet knew 
he was offering, that led to the embittered outpourings which 
we find in lines of the Gathas.* Such rebuffs could not but 
produce times of despondency and distress, an echo of which 
we hear lingering in these Hymns. Zarathushtra more than 
once breaks forth with a cry against such rulers and powerful 
lords who use not their sovereignty for the protection of the 
If it were not 
so, he would not thus have found himself a wanderer knowing 


righteous and for the advancement of virtue. 


not whither to turn. Yet hope is mingled with discouragement, 
and yet again despair with expectation. We next find Zoroas- 
ter a long way off to the south and southeast of Ivan in the 
land of Seistan. Consult the Map. 

After failing with Vaédvoisht, Zaratisht receives comfort 
and direction from Atiharmazd. He takes his pilgrim path 
and missionary road to one ‘Parshat,’ a ruler whose title is 
given as ‘Tora’ (Bull), and who dwells ‘at the end of Sagas- 
tan’ (Seistan).* 
Baluchistan, and by the expression ‘end of Sagastan’ may be 
A curious story is 


This territory borders upon Afghanistan and 


meant somewhere in the region of Ghazni.® 


1Ys. 44. 20; cf. Phil. version and 
Mills, Zoroastrian Gathads, pp. 216- 
217 ; also Haug, Hssays on the Parsis, 
p. 289 (8d ed.) ; Darmesteter, Le ZA. 
i, 294, 

2 Ys. 32. 12-14; 49. 1-2; 51. 12. 
It is not certain, however, that Gréhma 
and Béndva really are proper names. 
Vaépya Kevina, of evil fame, is called 
‘the Kai sodomite Akht, the heretic 
of dark existence,’ in Dk. 9. 44.14; ef. 
Phi. Ys. 50 (51). 12, and compare also 


Akhty6 of Yt. 5. 82, and consult the 
references given by Justi, Namenbuch, 
p. 18a, and Tranische Religion in 
Preuss. Jahrb. Bd. 88, pp. 245-247. 

3 Compare, for example, the Kam 
nemoi zam Gatha, Ys. 46. 1 seq., and 
Geiger in Darab D. P. Sanjana’s Zara- 
thushtra in the Gdathdas, pp. 171-175. 

4 Dk. 7%. 4. 31. 

5 So Dr. West (letter), and see his 
note on Dk. 7. 4. 31. In this connec- 
tion we may recall a statement of Am- 


HE GOES TO SEISTAN 45 


now told to show the virtue of Him-water from the Iranian 
Jordan, or river Daiti (Av. Daitya). With the name Parshat- 
tora we may compare the Avestan Parshat-gau.! This 
Parshat begs for some of the holy Daitya water. From 
what follows it is evident that Zoroaster must have combined 
with the mission of gospel teaching some claims also to medical | 
skill and practice in healing. He first bids Parshat to praise 
righteousness, to curse the demons, and openly to profess the 
Faith. Parshat carries out the former two injunctions, but he 
fails to comply with the third by adopting the Creed. Zara- 
tusht therefore does not fulfil his request, but passes on, and 
by means of the Hom-water which had not been bestowed upon 
the weakling, he cures a four-year-old bull that had lost its 
virile power. The name of Parshat disappears from sight. 
The entire allusion to Seistan is of interest in connection 
with the Prophet’s wanderings to remote places and to lands 
far distant from his home. ‘Two facts also are recalled by it : 
first, the territory of Seistin is the place of origin of the 
Kayanian dynasty to which King Vishtaspa belongs; second, the 
scene cannot have been far removed from that seat of stiff-necked 
unbelief, the home of Rustam. Certain it is, that one of Vish- 
taspa’s earliest missionary efforts after his own conversion was 
in the direction of this very scene where Zoroaster’s earlier 
endeavor had been unsuccessful with Parshat, the Bull, who 
dwelt ‘at the end of Sagastain.’3 From what comes after, it 
appears that the Prophet now journeyed back, perhaps by a 
round-about way, towards his own home, for we next find him 


mianus Marcellinus, 28. 6. 33, which 
associates Zoroaster’s name with the 
northern territory of India— superio- 
ris Indiae ; see Appendix V. § 22, also 
p. 72, n. 3, p. 87, n. 1, and the remarks 
on ‘ White India’ in Appendix IV. p. 
207, n. 2. 

1 Yt. 13. 96.127, and see West’s note 
in SBE. xlvii. 57; cf. also Parshat- 
gavo in Dk. 9. 24.17, SBE. xxxvii. 230. 


2Dk. 7. 4. 29-385 (West, SBE. 
xlvii. 57-58). 

’On the propaganda in Seistan, 
compare the Pahlavi treatise, ‘ Won- 
ders of Sagastan,’ referred to by West 
in Grundriss d. iran. Philol. ii. 118, 
and translated for me by Dr. West; 
also the Shah Namah allusions; see 
below, Crusades (Chap. IX.). 


46 THE REVELATION 


in the northwest, in the region to the south of the Caspian Sea 
(cf. Map), proceeding apparently on his way to his native land 
of Adarbaijan. 

Second Vision — Conference with Vohu Manah. — In the seven 
or eight years that follow the first vision of the empyrean 
throne and the first communing with Ormazd, Zoroaster enjoys 
the divine favor of six more conferences individually with the 
six Archangels. We know of these from fragmentary accounts 
of the lost Avestan Nasks, or sacred books, and we have descrip- 
tions of them in Pahlavi literature, especially in the Selections 
of Zat-sparam.! They are attested also in Yasna 48 of the 
Gathas and elsewhere in the Avesta. ‘The interviews, ques- 
tionings, or revelations occur in different places and at different 
times. The period of the ten years from thirty to forty in the 
Prophet’s life was a time of great spiritual activity as well as of 
energetic labor. His soul lives partly in the world beyond the 
present ; he sums up within himself the generation of those 
whose young men saw visions and whose old men dreamed 
dreams. As the veil is withdrawn from before his eyes the 
several Archangels appear at different times before his en- 
tranced sight. Each Amshaspand enjoins upon him special 
moral duties and practical obligations including particularly 
the guardian care of material or living things over which they 
preside in the physical world — the animals, fire, metals, earth, 
water, and plants. 

The first of these seraphic manifestations, or the second 
revelation from heaven, is a conference with the archangel 
Vohiiman, or Vohu Manah of the Avesta, who intrusts to the 
Lord’s chosen minister the care and keeping of useful animals, 
for Vohu Manah’s name, even in the Gathas, is especially 
- associated with the protection of the animal kingdom. Accord- 


1Zsp. 22. 1-13. Add also Dk. 8. Vohu Manah’s name with the care of 
14, 2-9; ZtN. p. 495-8 ; Dab. i. 232-44. cattle in the Gathas, see Geiger, Hast- 

2Zsp. 22. 3-6; ZtN. p. 495; Dab. — ern Iranians, transl. Darab D. P. San- 
i. p. 240. And for the association of jana, i. p. XxXxXv. 


VISIONS OF THE ARCHANGELS 47 


ing to the Selections of Zat-sparam, the scene of this special 
interview granted by Vohtiman to Zaratusht, and the giving of 
injunctions to the inspired Seer, is laid in the region of Iran to 
the south of the Caspian Sea or in the Alborz mountains, for 
the text designates it as ‘the conference on Higar and Aisind,’ 
which are regarded as two peaks of that range.! 

Third Vision — Conference with Asha Vahishta. — The third 
interview is ‘a conference at the Tojan water’;? this is held 
with the archangel Artavahisht, who enjoins upon Zoroaster 
the care of the Fire and the guardianship of all fires, sacred 
and secular. The place where this apparition comes to the 
Prophet is to the south of the Caspian Sea and somewhat to 
the east, if I am right in identifying ‘the Tojain water’ with 
the river Tajan (lat. 56-87; long. 55-56) —see the key to 
the Map.* This identification would agree well with the 
region of the preceding vision and with the probable situation 
of the following.® 


The territory, I believe, is volcanic in its | 


character, which would also answer to the kingdom of fire over | 


which Asha Vahishta is the presiding genius. 
Fourth Vision — Conference with Khshathra Vairya. — The 


fourth ecstatic trance which is vouchsafed to the Seer brings, 
him into the presence of the archangel Shatvér (Av. Khshathra) 
Vairya), who assigns to him the care and keeping of metals. : 


The scene of this manifestation is not absolutely identified. 
The Selections of Zat-sparam call the interview the ‘conference 


1 Zsp. 22. 3. From the Avesta we Consult also the maps in J. de 


know that Mount Hukairya (Av. Hu- 
kairya Barazah) is a peak of Hara 
Berezaiti (the Alborz chain); and 
Aisind (Ay. Us Hindva) stands in 
the Sea Vourukasha (Caspian Sea). 
Compare notes by West, SBE. v. 35, 
and Darmesteter, Le ZA. ii. 584. 

2So Zsp. 22. 7 (West’s transla- 
tion). 

8 Zsp. 22. 7; ZtN. p. 496; Dab, i. 
p. 241, 


Morgan, Mission Scientifique en Perse, 
Cartes, Paris, 1897. Cf. Curzon, Per- 
sia, i. 878, and his map. 

5In a note on the passage, West 
(SBE. xlvii. 161, n. 2) doubtfully sug- 
gests the Tejend River; but if so, that 
would be the only instance of a vision 
being manifested in territory so far to 
the east. See also my next proposed 
identification, 


48 THE REVELATION 


at Sarai (?), a settlement on the Mivin(?).’1 Dr. West draws 
attention to the fact that his reading of these names is uncertain 
and that he has not identified the places. I should venture to 
suggest that we are still in the South Caspian region, in the 
mountainous territory not far removed from the scene of the 
preceding interview. On the same river Tajan, that has just 
been alluded to, is the town of Sari, to the east of Barfrush 
(see Map), which would correspond to the settlement Sarai of 
the text, especially if there be mines in the neighborhood under 
Khshathra Vairya’s dominion. The territory is Mazanderan, 
but we know that Zoroaster, dervish-like, wandered also in the 
country of fiends, demon-worshippers, and wicked unbelievers 
before he met with the one truly righteous king and protector. 

Fifth Vision — Conference with Spenta Armaiti.— For the 
fifth transcendent manifestation we must trace our way over 
various districts and provinces to the region of Lake Caécista 
(mod. Urumiah), or back into Adarbaijan.? From Zat-sparam 
we know that this interview took place there, because the text 
states, that ‘for the occurrence of the fifth questioning, which 
is Spendarmat’s, the spirits of the regions, frontiers, stations, 
settlements, and districts, as many as were desirable, have come 
out with Zaratiisht to a conference where there is a spring 
which comes out from the Asnavad mountain, and goes into the 
Daitih.’* Mount Asnavad, which is found also in the Avesta 
and is famous likewise as having been the seat of the Gush- 
nasp fire, is unquestionably to be localized in Adarbaijan.§ It 
is not to be confused with the ‘Mountain of the two Holy Com- 
muning Ones,’ described above (p. 34). As a likely identifica- 


1 Zsp. 22. 8; see West, SBE. xlvii. 8 Zsp. 22. 9; ZtN. p. 497; Dab. i. 
161, note 4. p. 242. 

2In offering this conjecture I am 4 Zsp. 22. 9, West’s translation. 
not unmindful of Sarai near Baki (see 5 For references, see West, SBE. 


Saint-Martin, Nouveau Dict. de Géog-  xlvii. 161, n. 5; and Darmesteter, Le 
raphie, v. 668); and Sarai near Bok- ZA. i. 152-154; ii. 299, 620; cf. also 
hara; Sarai in India; and Sarain in Justi, Hdb. der Zendsprache, 8s.v. 
Adarbaijan ; also Sari near Marand in asnavat, where an identification with 
De Goeje, Bibl. Geogr. Arab, vi. 91,213, ‘Takht-i Suleiman is mentioned. 


SCENES OF THESE HEAVENLY INTERVIEWS 49 


tion I should suggest that the Mountains of Sahend (lat. 37.50; 
long. 46.50—see Map, square Bb.) would answer the require- 
ments of the text here and elsewhere. Waters from a ‘spring’ 
on the mountain side might well flow in the manner described 
by the text if the Daitih be associated with the Kizel Uzen and 
Spéd (Sefid), as already proposed (pp. 40-41). 

Sixth Vision — Conference with Haurvatat.— The scene of 
the next hallowed interview is laid at the same place, near 
Lake Urumiah, and it may best be described by using again 
the words of the Zat-sparam itself: ‘For the occurrence of the 
sixth questioning, which is Khurdat’s (Av. Haurvatat), the 
spirits of seas and rivers have come with Zaratusht to a con- 
ference at the Asnavad mountain, and he was told about the ,; 
care and propitiation of water.’! Like the preceding inter- 
view the location therefore is Adarbaijan. 

Seventh Vision — Conference with Ameretat.— The seventh 
and last enraptured sight, which completed the Revelation, 
is a vision accompanied by a conference with the guardian 
divinity of the plants, Amurdat (Av. Ameretat).2 This is 
not confined to a single spot, but Adarbaijain is the scene. 
To quote the words of tradition, it occurred ‘on the precipi- 
tous bank of the Dareja, on the bank of the water of Daitih, | 
and different places. The Dareja or Darej is the ancestral 
river of Zoroaster, and it is to be localized in Adarbaijan, as 
discussed above and in Appendix IV. In the same appendix, 
reasons are given for localizing the Daitih (Av. Daitya) in 
Adarbaijin.t Consequently, Zoroaster must gradually have 
found his way back to his home, and the scene of the final 
interview must have been in this territory, although the expres- 
sion ‘different places,’ applied to the interview with Amirdat 
would seem to show that the questionings with this archangel 
were not confined to these two sites alone. 


1 Zsp. 22. 11 (West’s translation), 8 Zsp. 22. 12, West, SBE. xlvii. 
and cf. ZtN. p. 497; Dab. i. p. 242. 162. 

2 Zsp. 22.12; ZtN. p. 497; Dab. i. 4 See also above, pp. 40-41. 
p. 248. 


E 


50 THE REVELATION 


Other Spiritual Manifestations. — In these various visions of 
Paradise which are granted to Zoroaster, and which rival the 
seven heavens of Mohammed, the Prophet becomes quite well 
acquainted with the empyrean realms and with the celestial 
hierarchy of God, the angels, and archangels.1 The tendency 
to visionary trance is further manifested by the apparition of 
Haoma, which rises before Zarathushtra at the altar, as 
described in the Avesta (Ys. 9. 1).2 The Pahlavi commentary 
on this passage adds that Zoroaster at once recognized Hom 
‘because he had had conferences with most of the angels 
The same idea of 
heavenly visitations is implied elsewhere in the Avesta, for 


(izads) and he was acquainted with them.’ ? 


example, where Ashi Vanuhi is conceived of as conversing 
with Zarathushtra.* 

To Summarize the Seven Visions. — At the age of thirty 
Zoroaster receives a revelation, and during the next ten years 
he beholds seven visions of Ormazd and the Archangels. In 
Zoroastrian literature there are several allusions to these mani- 
festations. A chapter in the Selections of Zat-sparam describes 
the conferences with most detail. Its account implies that the 
visions occurred during the winters —a time when the Prophet 
perhaps chose to rest from his itinerant labors, like Buddha 
during the rainy season. ‘The particular paragraph referring 
to this point is worth quoting. It runs: ‘The seven questions 
are explained within the length of these winters, which are of 
five months, and within ten years.’® As to scene, the text says, 
at the outset, that ‘the seven questions, with reference to reli- 
gion, of the seven archangels, occurred in seven places.’® If 

1 Tn this connection, attention might, 
perhaps, be drawn to the chapter on 


lines of Shelley, Prometheus Unbound, 
1. 1. 198-201. 


the Yazatas (Izads) in the Great Ira- 
nian Bindahishn, translated by Dar- 
mesteter, Le ZA. ii. 8305-22 ; cf. West, 
Grundriss d. iran. Philol. ii. 102 (par. 
35). 

2 For a poet’s view of Zoroaster’s 
spiritual visions, we might recall the 


3 See Darmesteter, 7A. translated 
(2 ed.) in SBE. iv. 258, and also Le 
ZA, iii. 29. 

4 Yt. 17. 15-21. 

5 Zsp. 22. 13 (West’s tr.). 

6 Zsp. 22. 1 (West’s tr.). 


THE TEMPTATION OF ZOROASTER 51 


we follow tradition, the scenes of five of the visions, namely, 
the first, second, fifth, sixth, and seventh, are certainly to be 
localized in the west of Iran, in Adarbaijan and the southern 
Caspian territory. If the identification, suggested above, of 
Tojan and of Sarai be correct, the place of the third and of the 
fourth conferences likewise is directly to the south of the Cas- 
pian Sea. Media Atropatene and Media Rhagiana may there- 
fore be regarded, on the basis of tradition at least, as the place 
of Zoroaster’s apocalyptic visions of heaven. 

The Temptation of Zoroaster.— The ten years of interviews 
and communings with the Divine Beings are now at an end. 
The Revelation is complete. Zoroaster receives from Ormazd 
some final admonitions, and he carries with him from heaven , 
the supreme knowledge contained in the Avesta and also the 
sacred Ahuna Vairya formula—the paternoster of Zoroas- 


trianism. At parting he is warned to guard against the tempta- 
tions of the fiends who will beset his path as he returns among 
men. It is the instant when a weaker spirit might be prone to 
falter, and when a false step would mean ruin and damnation. 
It is the moment when Mara whispered to the newly Enlight- 
ened Buddha, tempting him to enter at once into Nirvana and 
not to give forth to mankind the illumination which he himself 
by so hard a struggle had won. The Powers of Evil now 
gather their forces for a combined attack upon Zarathushtra. | 
A description of the Temptation is given both in the Avesta 
and in the Pahlavi writings. The demon Buiti (Phl. But) is 
sent by Ahriman to deceive and to overthrow the holy messen- 
ger. But Zoroaster is armed with a breastplate of righteous- 
ness and. with the spiritual weapons of the Law, as well as 
materially equipped; and he defeats his spiritual enemies and 
puts them to flight. The Avesta pictures the situation as fol- 
lows: — 


‘From the region of the north, from the regions of the north, forth | 
rushed Anra Mainyu, the deadly, the Demon of Demons. And thus 
howled the maleficent Anra Mainyu, the deadly: “O Fiend, rush | 


See pee =, 


52 THE REVELATION 


on and kill him,” Orighteous Zarathushtra! The Fiend rushed 
then along, the demon Biuiti, the secret-moving Pestilence, the 
deceiver. 

‘Zarathushtra recited the Ahuna Vairya, saying: “As the Lord, 
etc.” He worshipped the good waters of the good Daitya. He 
recited the creed of the Religion of Mazda-worshippers. And away 
rushed the Fiend confounded, the secret-moving Pestilence, the 
deceiver. 

‘The Fiend then howled back to Anra Mainyu: “Thou tormentor, 
Anra Mainyu! I can find no destruction for him—for Spitama 
Zarathushtra. All-glorious is Zarathushtra.” Now, Zarathushtra 
perceived in his heart, “The fiendish maleficent Demons are plotting 
my destruction.” 

‘Upstarted Zarathushtra, forward stepped Zarathushtra, undaunted 
by Evil Thought, by the hardness of his malicious questions, and 
wielding stones in his hand, stones big as a house, having obtained 
them from Ahura Mazda, he the righteous Zarathushtra. 

‘« Whereat in this broad, round earth, whose boundaries are far 
distant (asked the Demon), dost thou wield (these stones), thou who 
standest upon the high bank of the river Dre} (Dareja), at the abode 
of Pourushaspa ? ” 

‘And Zarathushtra responded to Anra Mainyu: “O maleficent 
Anra Mainyu! I shall smite the creation of the Demons, I shall 
smite the Nasu (demon of Death), who is created by the Demons. 
(Yea), I shall smite the Enchantress (Pairika Khnathaiti), until the 
Saviour (Saoshyant), the Victorious shall be born from the waters of 
Kasava, from the region of the dawn, from the regions of the 
dawn.”’? 

‘Thereupon to him howled back Anra Mainyu, the Lord of Evil 
Creation: “Do not destroy my creatures, O righteous Zarathushtra! 
Thou art the son of Pourushaspa; I was worshipped (?) by thy 
mother. Renounce the good Religion of the worshippers of Mazda, 
so as to obtain a boon such as Vadhaghana obtained, the ruler of a 
nation.” ” 

‘But Spitama Zarathushtra answered him: “No! I shall not 


1 This isthe Messiah that isto spring see Mkh. 57. 25; Dat. 72.5; 78.2; Dk. 
from the seed of Zarathushtra; he is 9. 10.3; 9.21.4; 7. 2. 64; Zsp. 12. 
to be born in the land of Seistan, the 13 (West, SBE. xxiv. 103; xviii. 217, 
home of the Kayanian royal family. 228 ; xxxvii. 185, 212; xlvii. 32, 186). 

2On the Vatakan tyrant Dahak, 


HIS FIRST CONVERT 53 


renounce the good Religion of the worshippers of Mazda, not though 
life, and limb, and soul should part asunder.” 

‘And again to him howled out Anra Mainyu, the Lord of Evil 
Creation: “By whose word wilt thou vanquish, by whose word wilt 
thou withstand, and by what weapon will the good creatures (with- 
stand and vanquish)! my creation, who am Anra Mainyu?” 

‘Spitama Zarathushtra answered him: “ With the sacred mortar, 
with the sacred cup, with the Word proclaimed by Mazda, with my 
own weapon, and it is the best one. With this word will I vanquish 
with this word will I withstand, with this weapon will the good 
creatures (withstand and vanquish thee), O malignant Anra Mainyu! 
The Good Spirit created these, he created them in the Boundless 
Time; the Amesha Spentas, the good and wise rulers presented 
them.” 

‘And Zarathushtra recited aloud the Ahuna Vairya.’? 


The Dinkart has a briefer account of the episode; and the 
Zartusht Namah and Dabistan also allude to the assault of the 
princes of darkness upon Zoroaster as he is returning, and to 
their specious, guileful, and tempting words. This tempta- 
tion, therefore, offers an indirect parallel to that in Buddhism 
and in Christianity. No likeness is familiar in Mohammedan- 
ism nor in the Mosaic system. But besides this, another seduc- 
tive deception awaits the Prophet of Mazda, like the Knight of 
true Holiness encountering Foul Error and Hypocrisy in the 
Faerie Queene, a passage which might be compared. For 
Zoroaster, as forewarned by Atharmazd, is again tempted, this 
time by a Karap who has assumed the feminine form of Spen- 
darmat; but he discovers the disguise and exorcises the fiend 
as described in the Dinkart.* 

Maidhyoi-maonha, the First Convert to the Faith.— We may 
now imagine Zoroaster in this tenth year of the Religion as 
busily engaged in his mission among men. ‘The bugle note of 


1So, after Darmesteter’s construc- 8 Dk. 7. 4. 36-41; ZtN. p. 498; 
tion of hukaratdaho. Dab. i. p. 244. 
2°Vd. 19. 1-10; compare also Dar- 4 Dk. 7.4. 54-62; see West’s trans- 


mesteter’s translation in SBE. iv. 208 lation. 
seq. (2 ed.). 


54 THE REVELATION 


success is sounded even though the full triumph and victory is 
still to be delayed for two years more. Yet only one convert 
has been made; but the conversion is important; it is Zara- 
thushtra’s own cousin Maidhyoi-maonha (Phl. Métyd-mah) 
already mentioned (p. 20). The Zat-sparam selection states 
the fact thus: ‘On the completion of revelation, that is, at the 
end of the ten years, Métyomah, son of Arastai,! became faith- 
ful to Zaratiisht.’2 The fact is definitely alluded to in the 
Gathas and in the Younger Avesta (which contains lists also 
of later converts, in the Farvadin Yasht),® and it is noticed in 
other Zoroastrian writings. Quotations are unnecessary. 
Maidhyoi-maonha’s being drawn to the new faith and _ his 
acceptance of the creed is a fulfilment of the promise which 
Zaratusht’s first vision gave when he beheld the image of a vic- 
torious army under this leader coming to join him.* The Zat- 
sparam rightly interprets the allegory: ‘Métyomah was the 
leader of all mankind who have gone out to the presence of 
Zaratusht, and he became their guide, so that first MétyOmah 
and afterwards the whole material existence are attracted (to 
the faith).’® The scene of the conversion is laid by the Zat- 
sparam ‘in the forest of reedy hollows, which is the haunt of 
swine of the wild-boar species.’® It would be interesting if 
one could identify the situation. We may henceforth think of 
Maidhyoi-maonha as a sort of St. John the disciple. 
Conclusion. — The first ten years of the Religion have now 
passed; seven visions have been seen; the Revelation is com- 
plete; Zoroaster has withstood the temptation and assaults of 
the Powers of Evil; he has also won his first disciple. And 
yet at this instant, after the exhilaration of success, there 
comes the moment of depression and despondency. We have 


1 See genealogical table in Chap. IT. SYS: Ol. LOPe tala woo: 

2 Zsp. 23. 1. According to the tra- 4Zsp. 21. 2; ZtN. p. 491; Dab. i. 
ditional dating, the year would be  p. 230-1. Cf. p. 40 above. 
B.C. 620. See West, SBE. xlvii. In- 5 Zsp. 21.3 (West, SBE. xvii. 155). 


trod. § 55, and Appendix III. below. 6 Zsp. 28. 8. 


CONCLUSION 55 


evidence of this; for, to quote the words of a Zat-sparam selec- 


tion, ‘ Afterwards, on having obtained his requests, he came’! 


back to the conference of Atharmazd, and he spoke thus: “In 
ten years only one man has been attracted by me.”’! Ormazd 
answers paradoxically, but the answer seems to have given an 
inspiration, for the efforts of the next two years are unceasing, 
— crucial years as they were,— success attends, the climax is 
reached, the achievement is won. This achievement is the con- 
version of Vishtaspa, the triumph of the Faith, as described in 
the next chapter. 


1 Zsp. 28. 2. 


ij! 


CHAPTER V 
TRIUMPH 


THE CONVERSION OF KING VISHTASPA IN THE TWELFTH YEAR 
OF THE FAITH 


And hét hine gan td faim cynge and bodian him rihtne geléafan, and hé swa 
dyde, and se cing gecyrde to rihtne geleafan. 
— ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE. 


INTRODUCTION — ZOROASTER SEEKS VISHTASPA — MEETING BETWEEN ZARA- 
TUSHT AND VISHTASP — ZARATUSHT DISPUTES WITH THE WIsE MeEn — 
CONSPIRACY AGAINST HIM; His IMPRISONMENT — THE EPISODE OF THE 
Brack Horse — CompLetE CONVERSION OF VISHTASP —COMING OF THE 
ARCHANGELS — VISHTASP’S VISION— CONCLUSION 


Introduction. — The eleventh and twelfth years of the Reli- 
gion are stirring years in the Prophet’s life ;! they are years of 
struggle, bitter trial, temporary disappointment, but of final 
triumph; they are the two years devoted to the conversion of 
Vishtaspa ; and when success finally crowns the effort, they 
form the great climax in Zoroaster’s career. A firm and power- 
ful hand is henceforth to uphold the Faith. The events, inci- 
dents, and occurrences, which are recorded by tradition in con- 
nection with this important era are presented here in detail; 
and the words of the texts themselves are employed, as far as 
possible in narrating them. In order truly to appreciate the 
spirit of the situation one should call to mind descriptions of 
similar conversions in the history of the world’s great religions. 

Zoroaster seeks Vishtaspa. — As already noted, an inspira- 


1 g.c. 619-618, according to the tra- _xlvii. Introd. § 55, and Appendix III. 
ditional chronology ; see West, SBE. _ below. 


56 


ZOROASTER SEEKS VISHTASPA 57 


tion seems to have come to Zoroaster that he should turn to 
the court of Vishtaspa. The Younger Avesta tells how he 
prayed to Ardvi Sura, the goddess of waters, that he might 
win Vishtaspa to the Faith.! Vishtispa is a king or princely 
ruler, but he and his court are represented as having been 
wrapt in the toils of evil religious influence and fettered by the 
false belief that was rife in the land. The picture which the 
Zoroastrian texts give is naturally a distorted one, colored by 
religious prejudice and animosity; but doubtless its darkness is 
not without reason. Everything is portrayed as bound by base 
superstition, or under the thrall of dread magic. There is the 
stifling atmosphere of the dark ages of the Atharva Veda that 
was still hanging like a pall over the cousin-land of India. 
Iran or the court of Vishtisp is dominated by scheming and 
unscrupulous priests, the Kigs and Karaps, or Kavis and Kar- 
pans of the Avesta. Especially powerful among these is one 
Zak —a name that seems to occur only in the Dinkart, and his 
ill reputation has destined him otherwise for oblivion. The 
Dinkart gives a number of interesting particulars on the sub- 
ject, which are translated by West, and are worth quoting in 
part. ‘Zaratusht became aware from revelation about the vile- 
ness and perverted religion of Zak of the deadly Karaps of 
Vishtasp and many other Kais and Karaps who were at the 
residence of Vishtasp.’? Accordingly, ‘after the continuance 
of the last questioning of the ten years of conference [he took] 
his departure alone, by the advice and command of Attharmazd, 
to the residence of Vishtasp and the precinct of that terrible 
conflict.’ 

The Shikand-gimanik-Vijar, 10. 64-66 also adds that ‘Zara- | 
tusht came alone on a true mission, to the lofty portal of Kai 
Gushtasp, and the religion was taught by him, with a powerful 
tongue, to Kai Gushtasp and the learned, through the speech 
of wisdom, through manual gestures, through definite words, 


1 Yt. 5. 105. SDE Y. 4. Gb. 
2 Dk. 7. 4. 64. 


58 TRIUMPH 


through explanation of many doubts, and through the presen- 
tation of the visible testimony of the archangels, together with 
many miracles.’ ! 

The Dinkart speaks several times of the ‘residence,’ ‘lofty 
residence,’ ‘abode,’ ‘capital or metropolis’ of Vishtasp, but it 
does not make clear where this was located.?_ Neither does the 
Avesta nor any known Pahlavi text make a precise and definite 
statement. But the later tradition, Persian and Arabic, persist- 
ently maintains that the city of Balkh was the scene of the 
conversion. A full discussion of this question is given below 
in Appendix IV., so it is omitted here. It must be remembered 
therefore when ‘Balkh’ is mentioned hereafter it is used 
because the name stands in the particular connection or source 
from which the material in question is being drawn; a final 
judgment on the matter is avoided for the present. 

It is at this juncture that a curious legend is narrated of a 
strange incident which happened as Zoroaster was on his way to 
Vishtasp (Gushtasp). The modern Persian Dabistan, basing 
its statement upon the authority of a priest who quoted from 
an old treatise, recounts how two infidel rulers were punished 
for refusing to adopt the Faith at the holy bidding of the 
Prophet as he was proceeding to interview the great king. 
The selection reads: ‘The Mobed Surish, the Yazdanian, has 


1 West, SBE. xxiv. 170-1. 

2Dk. 7. 4. 64, 65, 75, 76, 77, 84; 
5. 2 (= SBE. xivii. pp. 64 bis, 67, 68 
bis, 70, 74) ; 8. 11.3; in the Shik. Gaim. 
Vij. 10. 64, transl. ‘lofty portal’ (West, 
SBE. xxiv. 170). Dr. West (Aug. 2, 
1897) writes me: ‘In Dk. %. 4. 64, 65, 
the word translated ‘‘capital’’? in the 
Grundriss, and ‘‘residence’’ in SBE. 
vol. xlvii. is baba (=dar Pers.). Asa 
mint-mark on coins it is understood to 
mean ‘‘ the capital, or metropolis.’’ It 
also occurs Dk. 8. 11.3 (SBE. xxxvii. 
24). The word man, “ abode,” “house,” 
is also used in 7%. 4. 75, 76, 77, etc. 


Whether the two words are used in- 
differently, or whether baba rather 
means ‘ the city,’’ and mdn, ‘‘ the pal- 
ace,’’? is uncertain. There is no hint 
in Dk. as to where this capital, or 
residence, was.’ Furthermore (Jan. 
7, 1898), ‘Dk. 7. 4. 76, ‘‘ lofty resi- 
dence’? = biland mdnishno, where 
biland may mean “high” either in po- 
sition or character; ‘‘tall, exalted, 
or eminent.’?’ If ‘lofty residence’ 
or ‘capital’ should perhaps signify 
Balkh, we might compare Shelley’s 
‘that high capital,’ meaning Rome. 


ZOROASTER MEETS VISHTASPA 59 


been heard to say, “It is recorded in the treatise of Mihin 
Farush that, according to the doctors of the pure faith, when 
Zardusht had thus obtained the victory over the demons, and 
was proceeding to an interview with the great King Gushtasp, 
there happened to be two oppressive and infidel kings in his 
road; these Zardusht invited to adopt the pure faith and turn 
away from their evil practices ; but they heeded not his words; 
he therefore prayed to God, and there began to blow a mighty 
wind, which lifted up these two kings on high and kept them 
suspended in the air; the people who came around were aston- 
ished on beholding this sight ; the birds also from every quarter 
of the sky flocked around the two kings, and with beaks and 
talons tore off their flesh until the bones fell to the ground.” ?} 
The legend has a weird picturesqueness, to say the least ! 
Meeting between Zaratiisht and Vishtasp.—If we under- 
stand the Dinkart text aright, the moment of the first meeting 
between Zarattisht and Vishtasp must have been when the king 
was on the race-course (Phl. aspdnvar) ;? the Dinkart paragraph 
speaks of Zoroaster as ‘ uttering, on the horse-course of Vishtasp, 
a reminder of the power and triumph of Atharmazd over him- 
self, as he invited Vishtasp to the religion of Aiharmazd ; and 
with great wisdom Vishtasp heard the words of Zaratiisht, on 
account of his own complete mindfulness, and would have 
asked for an outpouring of prophecy. But thereupon — before 
the words of Zaratiisht (were fully) heard by him, and he could 
have understood the character of Zaratiisht —owing to the 
demonizing of the deadly Zak and the rest of those Kigs and 
Karaps, spoken out with slanderous knowledge and perverse 


cover where it is. 


1 Dabistan, tr. by Shea and Troyer, 
i, 244-245, A kindred idea perhaps is 
contained in Dk. 7. 4. 82 end. 

2Dk. 7. 4. 66. In answer to an 
inquiry if, possibly, a town might be 
intended, Dr. West says (Jan. 7, 1898), 
‘There is a town Asbanbur, or Asfan- 
bur, but I have not been able to dis- 


I am doubtful, 
however, if a town be meant by the 
words: Madam Aspanvar-i Vishtaspo. 
I should be more inclined to read as- 
pakhvur for aspakhvur, ‘‘a horse- 
stable.’?’ In the latter case, one 
might think perhaps of the story of 
healing the black horse of Vishtasp. 


60 TRIUMPH 


actions to Vishtasp about Zaratiisht, there then (occurred) his 
consignment of Zaratiisht to confinement and punishment.’ } 
In the Zartusht Namah? the scene of the conversion is laid in 
Balkh, where Vishtasp’s father, the old king Lohrasp (Av. 
Aurvat-aspa) is generally stated to have lived in retirement 
Masidi (d. A.D. 957) also makes it Balkh, 
and his testimony is nearly three hundred years earlier than the 
Zartusht Namah.? The Shah Namah (A.p. 1000) does not 
make the assertion explicitly in so many words, but it lays all 


after his abdication. 


the following scenes at Balkh, as discussed below (Appendix 
IV. p. 214).4* 


scene of the rival Brahman’s conversion at Balkh.® 


The Cangranghacah Namah likewise lays the 


The later tradition adds details and embellishes the account. 
According to the Zartusht Namah, King Vishtasp (Gushtasp) 
was seated in royal estate in his palace when Ormazd’s apostle 
appeared. According to Mohammedan writers, Kazwini and 
Ibn al-Athir, Zoroaster enters the assembly in no ordinary 
manner, but by a miracle: the roof parts asunder to give 
Ibn al-Athir also adds, that 


‘in his hand was a cube of fire with which he played without its 


entrance to his hallowed person. 
hurting him.’ The scene might make a subject for a painting. 
We must remember, furthermore, that Zoroaster originally 
sprang from the country of naphtha wells ; moreover, he may 
not have been wholly unacquainted with effects produced by 
chemical experiments if we may judge from accounts of the 
scientific knowledge attributed to him.’ The Shah Namah 


1Dk. 7. 4. 66-67 (West’s transla- 
tion). Cf. also Dk. 7. 5. 6. 

2 ZtN. pp. 498-499. 

3 See Masiidi’s statement in Appen- 
dix IV. p. 199. 

4 Compare Mohl, Livre des Rois, 
trad. iv. 290, 291, 298, 300. 

5 See summary by Anquetil du Per- 
ron, i. part. 2, p. 50. 

6 ZtN. pp. 498-499. 

7 Gottheil, References, p. 40. Both 


of these writers belong to the thir- 
teenth century of our era. Mirkhond 
(History, tr. Shea, p. 287) repeats Ibn 
al-Athir’s story of the wonderful fire. 
Recall also classical allusions to the 
fire. The reference is evidently to the 
Birhzin Mitro fire described below. 

8 #.g. in the Nasks, see Chap. VIII. 
below, pp. 95-96 ; cf. also Dk. 7. 5. 8- 
10, and also the classical statements on 
p. 8 and in Appendix V. 


HE DISPUTES WITH THE WISE MEN 61 


similarly alludes to the censer or basin of fire which he brought 
from Paradise to present to the King.! In these fire references 
there seems to linger a reminiscence of the Burzhin Mitro fire, 
shortly to be referred to. Kazwini apparently draws from some 
traditional source or Pahlavi text when he describes an ordeal 
of molten metal to which Zoroaster has to submit his person to 
prove the divine truth of his mission.? This is at least in 
harmony with ‘the achievement of ordeal’ referred to in the 
Dinkart as instituted or sanctioned by Zaratusht who is there 
cited as giving authority for thirty-three kinds of this judicial 
test.2 This very achievement of Zoroaster forms the prototype 
of a fiery ordeal undergone by one of his future apostles in 
Sassanian times, and of the usage of the ordeal in the religion. 

Zaratisht disputes with the Wise Men. — There is evidence 
enough to show that the Prophet had to win his way step by 
step during these two years of struggle and probation; and 
there is no doubt that he at once encountered the antagonism 
and vigorous opposition of the wise men of the king’s court. 
According to tradition at least, there were not wanting those to 
plot against him. 

‘The Kavigs and Karaps,’ says the Zat-sparam, ‘in the manner 
of opponents propounded thirty-three inquiries to him, so that 
by command of Vishtasp he became the explainer of those 
thirty-three inquiries.’ This and the later debates are alluded 
to in the Dinkart and elsewhere as ‘the terrible conflict,’ ‘the 
terrible combat,’ ‘the great session,’ ‘the controversy about the 
religion with the famous learned of the realm’ who were Zoro- 
aster’s ‘fellow-disputants.’® The Zartusht Namah, drawing 
upon some source not now accessible, or supplying material from 
imagination, graphically describes the scene with Eastern pomp 


1T.e. mijmar-i Gta¥, ShN. ed. Vul-__p. 41; Mirkhond, History, tr. Shea, p. 
lers-Landauer, iii. 1498; Mohl tr. iv. 287. 


290. On the amulet chain given to 3 Dk. 7. 5. 4-5 (West, SBE.). 
Isfendiar, see p. 67, note 6. 4 Zsp. 28. 5. 
2 Kazwini, ed. Wiistenfeld, ii. 267 ; 5 Dk. 7. 4. 65, 69, 70, 73; 5. 2. 10; 


ef. Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, Zsp. 238. 5. 


~ 


62 TRIUMPH 


and Oriental detail.!. The sages of Vishtasp are seated in grave 
council to dispute with the new-comer and stranger, with the 
herald of Ormazd. The debate and controversy lasts no less 
than three days.2. The Priest of the Zend-Avesta comes off 
triumphant at every point.? He claims the office of Prophet 
and begins to recite the sacred texts to the king.* 

Conspiracy against Zoroaster ; his Imprisonment. — Vishtasp’s 
interest is aroused, and the divine Seer seems to have produced 
a marked effect by being able through his prescience, as the 
story goes, openly to disclose and tell the thoughts of the king 
and of others, with astonishing results. A plot, however, is 
concocted by those whose light the brilliancy of the new lumi- 
nary has dimmed. The priests who are supplanted in influence 
enter into a conspiracy, like those who sought to find occasion 
against Daniel, and they intrigue for Zoroaster’s death. By 
suborning the porter of his lodging, as the tale relates, these 
wicked schemers succeed in hiding vile material within the holy 
man’s apartments so that it may be used as evidence against him. 
The hair, nails, heads, of cats and dogs, together with various 
other paraphernalia of witchcraft and sorcery, are thus slipped 
in. On this false evidence Zoroaster is accused of being a 
wizard and necromancer ; he is thrown into prison and is left 
to starve. Such is the account of the Zartusht Namah, and the 
Pahlavi Dinkart alludes to the circumstance as well.’ 

The Episode of the Black Horse. — A miracle releases Zardusht. 
It is the miracle which he wrought by restoring to health the 
king’s Black Horse, as described with great elaboration in the 
Zartusht Namah and incidentally referred to in the Dinkart.® 
The king has a favorite black horse.® Upon the imprisonment 


1 ZtN. pp. 499-501 ; repeated also in 4 ZtN. p. 501; Dab. i. pp. 249-250. 
the Dabistan, i. pp. 245-250. SDR. le ba2.e 
2ZtN. p. 501. 6 ZtN. p. 508 seq. repeated in Dab. i. 
3 One is somewhat reminded of the  p. 251. 
questionings of the scribes and Phar- CID Ye OE OOS (5 ays (ah 
isees, if not of Luther’s disquisi- 8 ZtN. pp. 504-509 ; Dk. 7. 4. 70. 
tions. 9 Apparently named Bahzad (well- 


EPISODE OF THE BLACK HORSE 63 


of Ormazd’s minister the animal’s four legs are suddenly drawn 
up into its belly and the creature is unable to move. This 
occurrence is plainly a manifestation of the divine displeasure. 
In his dungeon cell Zardusht hears of what has happened. He 
offers, if released, to restore the horse to its former soundness ; 
but he will do this only upon the fulfilment of specific conditions. 
These the king must agree to beforehand. Vishtasp is over- 
joyed and promises to grant the Priest a boon for each foot of 
the charger that is restored to its proper state. The details 
which follow seem ludicrous, but such descriptions of cunning 
practices are not unique. Hocus-pocus has been employed else- 
where, and the situation doubtless had its parallels in other 
courts of Eastern despots in ancient days. We must not forget 
that even when St. Augustine preached Christianity to A‘thel- 
bert of England, it was in the open air, owing to the king’s 
dread of witchcraft which might exercise a spell upon him if he 
were within four walls ! 

The first condition which Zardusht makes, is that Vishtasp 
shall accept the Faith if one foot of the horse be restored. 
Upon the king’s agreeing to this stipulation, and in answer to the 
Prophet’s earnest prayer, ‘the right fore-leg of the horse came | 
out, since the word of the Shah was true.’! Before the ‘man 
of God’ will grant the second boon, however, the king must 
promise that his own warlike son Isfendiar (Av. Spento-data, 
Phi. Spend-dat) shall fight as a crusader in support of the true 
Faith. Thereupon, ‘the right hind-leg of the steed comes out 
by the commandment of God.’ The third condition results 
in the granting of a wished-for favor, the privilege of convert- 
ing the queen to the Faith. Upon its fulfilment the descent of 
the third leg is accomplished. The last promise includes the 
revealing of the names of the culprits who had bribed the 


bred) in the Shah Namah (Mohl, tr. _ p. 860 (Wehzat), for other horses called 
iy. pp. 320, 335), unless this name bea by this name. 

merely typical one like ‘ Black Beauty ’ 1ZtN. p. 507 (Eastwick’s transla- 
in English. Such at least is the tra- tion in Wilson, Parsi Religion, from 
dition. See also Justi, Namenbuch, which the quotations are made). 


64 TRIUMPH 


doorkeeper and had plotted against the Prophet of the Lord. 
When these are revealed and the offenders appropriately pun- 
ished by death, the horse is fully restored to health and leaps 
up upon his four legs as sound as before. 

This absurd story, which the Zartusht Namah, as just described, 
tells minutely with considerable imagination and poetic embel- 
lishment, receives only brief notice incidentally in the Dinkart, 
when it refers to ‘the wonder about the splendid horse of 
Vishtasp,’! and when in another part of the work, it mentions 
‘the splendid horse of Vishtasp’ as the nonpareil of horses.? 
The episode is seriously recorded, earlier than the Zartusht 
Namah, by Shahrastani (born A.D. 1086), who lived in Khoras- 
san.? As the author of the Zartusht Namah (A.p. 1277) was 
a native of Rai in the West, it shows how current the story 
was. It is later repeated by Mirkhond.* How different from 
the narrative of Constantine and the Cross ! 

Complete Conversion of Vishtasp. —‘The conversion of Vish- 
tasp is nearly complete, but he still seeks from Zardusht an 
additional proof, a vision, a manifestation, some sign or token, 
before he will be finally convinced. Inasmuch as he himself has 
freely granted four favors to Zoroaster in acknowledgment of 
his services, the king now himself makes four counter-requests, 
as the narrative tells before he fully adopts the Faith. The 
Zartusht Namah again relates these in detail, and we can infer 
from incidental allusions in Avestan and Pahlavi texts that the 
tradition was a recognized one.® The first of these four request 
by Vishtasp is that he may know his final doom and see his 
place in Paradise ; the second, that his body may become invul- 


1 Dk. 7. 4. 70. 5 ZtN. pp. 509-11. Compare the 
2 Dk. 9. 22. 2 (West, SBE. xxxvii. fragmentary Avestan texts Vishtasp 
220). Yasht, and Afrin Paighambar Zartisht 


8 Shahrastani ed. Haarbriicker, i. (Yt. 24 and Yt. 28). Cf. also Dk. 7. 
288; cf. Gottheil, References, p. 50. 4. 74-82; 7. 6. 138; Zsp. 28. 7 (SBE. 
For references to Vishtdsp’s horse xlvii. 67-70, 81, 164); Dk. 8. 11. 2-3 
Bahzad, see note on p. 62, above. (SBE. xxxvii. 24). 

4 Mirkhond, History, tr. Shea, pp. 

287-288. 


COMPLETE CONVERSION OF VISHTASPA 65 


nerable ; the third favor is that he may have universal knowledge, 
knowing the past, present, and future ; and fourth, that his soul 
may not leave his body until the resurrection. The Prophet of 
Ormazd gives assurance that all these requests may be granted ; 
but he shows that such phenomenal privileges when granted 
could not be combined in the person of a single individual. 
The king must choose one boon out of the four. His selection 
is to have permission to behold. the place which he shall occupy 
in heaven. 

Coming of the Archangels. — This moment is the occasion of 
the coming of three Amshaspands, or Archangels, from heaven, 
to the palace of the king, as witnesses from Atharmazd to the 
divinely inspired message of Zarattisht. These three heaven- 
sent envoys are Vohtman, Ashavahisht, and the Propitious 
Fire (Burzhin-Mitro, or Spénisht, Av. Spénishta).! In its 
description the Dinkart quotes a passage from ‘revelation’ as 
follows: ‘Then he who is the creator Atharmazd spoke to 
them, to Vohtiimano, Ashavahisht6, and also the fire of Athar- 
mazd, the propitious, thus: “Proceed! you who are archangels, 
unto the abode of Vishtasp, whose resources are cattle and who 
is far and widely famed, with a view to his reliance upon this 
religion (that is, till he shall stand up for this religion); and, 
as regards the answering words of the righteous Zaratiisht of 
the Spitamas, to approve the nature of those words.”’2 And, 
as the paragraph continues, the archangels proceeded to the 
abode of Vishtasp in such glorious effulgence that ‘their radi- 
ance in that lofty residence seemed to him a heaven of com- 
plete light, owing to their great power and triumph; this was 
so that when he thus looked upon it, the exalted Kai-Vishtasp 
trembled, all his courtiers trembled, all his chieftains were con- 


1Dk. 7. 4. 75, 78; 7. 6. 13; Zsp. gers to be four, as it mentions two 
23. 7; Dk. 8.11. 2-38 ; Bd.17.1,8. See fires, Adar Khirdad and Adar Gish- 
also Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 155. It asp beside the two archangels. 
Inay be noticed that the Zartusht Na- 2Dk. 7. 4. 75-76 (West’s transla- 
mah makes the number of the messen- tion). 


F 


66 TRIUMPH 


fused, and he of the superior class was like the driver of a 
chariot-horse.’ ! 

The Zartusht Namah colors this part of the account by 
graphically describing these messengers as majestic knights on 
horseback in cavalier style, bristling with armor and clad in 
green.2, The Dinkart goes on to tell how the Fire speaks out 
and reassures the terrified king that they are come, not for 
alarming him as the two envoys of his mortal foe Arjasp the 
Khyon later would do, but that they are come with a bidding 
from heaven that he should receive the religion of Zaratisht. 
In that event they promise him a long reign and a life of one 
hundred and fifty years(!), accompanied by many blessings 
and exalted by an immortal son Péshydtan (Av. Peshdtanu). 
On the contrary, if he will not accept the holy Faith, they 
threaten that his end will soon ensue. And the Archangels 
thereupon took up their abode with Vishtasp.® 

Vishtasp’s Vision. — It was after this stirring occurrence and 
after the obedient Vishtasp had received the Creed, that a 
glimpse of Paradise and a spiritual revelation of his trium- 
phant success in life is vouchsafed to him. In referring to this 
the Dinkart says: ‘For the sake of daily ‘4 and visibly showing 
to Vishtasp the certified victory over Arjasp and the Khyons, 
and his own superior position, unceasing rule, splendor, and 
glory, the creator Atharmazd sends, at the same time, the 
angel Nérydsang to the abode of Vishtasp, as a reminder for the 
archangel Ashavahishto to give to Vishtasp to drink of that 
fountain of life, for looking into the existence of the spirits, 
the enlightening food by means of which great glory and 
beauty are seen by Vishtasp.’® The king now quaffs an ano- 
dyne draft of ‘the fountain of life’® from a fine saucer which 


1 Dk. 7. 4. 76 (West) ; cf. also Dk. 4 Notice this word. It is also of 
te Os US 3 °ZSDi eon le interest in connection with an allusion 

2 ZtN. p. 510; repeated by Dab. i. in Yatkar-i Zariran, § 12, and with the 
p. 257. Holy Wars (Chap. IX.). 

8 Dk. 7. 4. 77-82 ; and Dk. 8. 11. 3 5 Dk. 7. 4. 84 (West’s transl.). 


(SBE. xxxvii. 24). 6 Dk. 7. 4, 84-85. 


CONCLUSION 67 


is proffered to him by Ashavahishto ;! and at his instigation 
the queen also accepts the Faith.2, The Zartusht Namah? com- 
pletes the picture by describing how the king’s son Peshdtan 
(Bashitan) receives from the Prophet’s hand a cup of milk 
which he drains and becomes undying until the resurrection. 
The grand vizir, Jamasp, inhales some magic perfumes and 
becomes endowed with universal wisdom.® ‘The valiant Isfen- 
diar (Av. Spenté-data, Phl. Spend-dat) partakes of a pome- 
granate, and his body is made invulnerable, so that he may 
fight the good fight of the Faith.6 Thus are bestowed the four 
great boons which were asked by Vishtasp. 

Conclusion. — In reviewing the accounts of the conversion of 
Kavi Vishtaspa one can but feel convinced of the reality of the 
event. It is not easy, however, to decide how much may be 
actual fact and how much is fiction in the stories that are told. 
Nor is it easy to determine of how early or how late origin 
some of these stories are. Several of them appear to be hinted 
at in younger portions of the Avesta; they hardly would occur 
in the existing Gathas, for the nature of those Psalms would 
rather preclude them. Some of them seem to be built up on 
the basis of old allusions which have been interpreted to suit a 
situation. Several of them strike us to-day as silly, but a num- 
ber of them as picturesque and as tinged with Oriental fancy. 

Nevertheless, amid all the dross, grains of gold are undoubt- 
edly to be found ; and beneath the blaze of tinsel and the glare 


180 Dk., but by Zardusht, accord- 
ing to the Zartusht Namah, p. 511. 

2 Dk, 7. 4. 86. 

8 ZtN. p. 511; repeated in Dab. i. 
pp. 259-260. 

In connection with this incident, 
‘compare also the paragraph on Péshy6- 


tan in Dk. 7. 5. 12 (West, SBE. xlvii. . 


77). Inthe Avesta, and in Pahlavi writ- 
ings, PeshOtanu is always spoken of as 
immortal. 

5 This is the character of ‘the wise 
Jamasp’ in the Avesta, the Pahlavi 


books, and the later writings. Com- 
pare also the Pahlavi treatise, Jamasp 
Namak, noted by West in Grundriss 
d. tran. Philol. ii. 110. 

6 In the Shah Namah this quality 
is conferred by means of an amulet 
chain (kusti ?) which Zardusht is sup- 
posed to have brought from heaven, 
cf. p. 61, note 1, above. See Mohl, tr. 
iv. 407, and cf. Spiegel, in Darab D. P. 
Sanjana, Geiger’s Hastern Iranians, 
ii. 211. 


68 TRIUMPH 


of gaudy coloring, a sober shade of truth may be recognized. 
Other nations and other generations have sought for a sign; 
the Zoroastrian writings are not the only texts that relate mir- 
acles. An Eastern ruler in ancient days may not have been 
insensible to influences which were of a cajoling character. 
And as for the intrigues against Zoroaster, his imprisonment 
and his release, we know that court jealousies and priestly con- 
spiracies against a powerful rival have not been confined to 
Iran. Fanciful stories of a bewitched horse may likewise be 
found elsewhere. Banks and his horse, in Shakspere’s day, 
would be an illustration. The conversion also of the queen of 
the realm opened many another door to influence, as did Emma 
to St. Augustine. Perhaps Hutaosa was early interested in 
Zoroaster’s preaching. It suffices to say that even if the 
actual circumstances connected with the momentous event of 
Vishtasp’s conversion were not wholly as tradition later repre- 
sents them, they might at least have been such or similar. 
Voild tout! The triumph of the Prophet is supreme. 


CHAPTER VI 
THE COURT OF VISHTASPA AND ITS CONVERSION 


THE GATHAS OR ZOROASTRIAN PSALMS 


Cepere plures quotidie ad audiendum verbum confluere. 
—Bepa, Hist. Eccl. 1. 26. 


ZOROASTER’S PATRON VISHTASPA— ROMANTIC STORY OF HIS YOUTH— INFLU- 
ENCE OF VISHTASPA’S ADOPTING THE NEw FairH—Mempers or VISH- 
TAspA’s Court; ImmEpDIATE Conversions; Livinac PERSONALITIES IN THE 
GAtTHAS— OTHER MermMBrERS OF THE CouRT CIRCLE CONVERTED — Con- 
CLUSION 


Zoroaster’s Patron Vishtaspa. — Kavi Vishtaspa, or King 
Vishtasp (Gushtasp), the Constantine of Zoroastrianism and 
defender of the Faith, presents a figure so important in its 
bearing that some additional details may appropriately be 
given concerning this pious ruler’s history. His name is ever 
recurring in Avestan and Pahlavi texts, in the Shah Namah, 
and in Mohammedan writers who allude to Persia. A collec- 
tion of the references to his name in the Avesta, supplemented 
by general allusions in other Zoroastrian writings, is given at 
the bottom of the page.! Special points of interest about him 


11. The principal Avestan refer- 5.98 (a Naotairyan); Yt. 5. 105 (Z. 
ences to Vishtaspa are: Gatha, Ys. prays for his conversion) ; Yt. 5. 108- 
28. 7 (a boon to be granted to Vish- 109 (V. prays for victory); Yt. 5. 
taspa and Zarathushtra) ; Ys. 46. 14 182 (type of successful conqueror) ; 
(warrior V.) ; Ys. 51.16 (V. an ideal Yt. 9. 29-32 (cf. Yt. 5. 108; 17. 49) ; 
Tuler in wisdom); Ys. 58. 2 (a fol- Yt.13. 99-100 (hero of the Faith) ; Yt. 
lower of Zarathushtra).—Yasna, 1%. 49-52 (cf. Yt. 9. 29-82); Yt. 17. 
Ys. 12. 7 (a Zoroastrian) ; Ys. 23. 2 61 (prays to Ashi Vanuhi on the 
and 26. 5 (his fravasi). —Yasht, Yt. Daitya) ; Yt. 19. 84-87 (Kingly Glory, 

69 


70 THE COURT AND ITS CONVERSION 


may be found also in Justi’s Lranisches Namenbuch, pp. 372, 
395, together with an elaborate genealogical table which should 
be consulted. An abridged list of Vishtaspa’s next-of-kin, 
based upon Justi’s table, is appended on the opposite page. 
From this genealogical list we see that the patron of Zara- 
thushtra was the son of Aurvat-aspa (Lohrasp) and was 
sprung from the old Kayanian line of kings.!_ He belongs to 
the Naotairyan family (cf. Av. Naotairya, Naotairyana),? that 
is, he was descended from an ancestor Naotara (Firdausi’s Naud- 
har).? His wife Hutaosa (Phl. Hutos), the patroness of Zoro- 
aster, is likewise of the Naotairyan family;* his brother Zairi- 
vairi (Zarér or Zarir), a romantic hero and zealous convert, 
wins lasting fame by his valiant death in battle in the first 


Holy War, as described below. 


of many sons and daughters.°® 


defender of the Faith, conqueror) ; 
Yt. 23. 1 seq. (Z.’s blessing upon V.) ; 
Ys. 24. 1 seq. (Vishtasp Nask). 

2. Pahlavireferences. The Phl. 
Comment. to Ys. 43. 12 (cf. Ys. 27.6), 
44. 16, and also Dk. 9. 33. 5, take Vish- 
tasp as a type of religious obedience, as 
representative of Srdsh on earth (see 
Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 200, n. 24, and 
p. 288, n. 40; also his Index, s.v. 
‘Sraosha’ in iii. 226). In general, 
the more important Pahlavi references, 
and there are many, will be given as 
occasion arises. Consult also-the In- 
dexes in West, SBE. vols. v. xviii. 
xxiv. xxxvii. xlvii. under ‘ Vishtasp,’ 
‘Kai Vishtasp.’ 

8. Mohammedan references, 
given below as they occur. Consult 
also Gottheil, References, p. (29), 33 
bis, 34 (35), 387 (unimportant), 39 bis, 
40 bis; also Mirkhond, History, tr. 
Shea, p. 284 (Balkh) ; Albiraini Chro- 
nology, tr. Sachau, pp. 100 seq., 206. 

4. Classical references. The 
more important are given in this chap- 


King Vishtaspa is the father 


Two of these sons, Spento-data 


ter, but consult also Appendix V. 
Mention might here be made likewise 
of the so-called oracular sayings of 
Vishtasp ; ef. Kuhn, Festgruss an R. 
von Roth, p. 217. 

1Yt. 5. 105, puéram yat aurvat- 
aspahe. See also Justi, Tran. Namen- 
buch, p. 183. The question of a change 
of dynasty in the succession is referred 
to in the next note. 

2 For the connection between the 
Kavi dynasty and the Naotairyan clan 
by adoption, see Justi, Zran. Namen- 
buch, p. 3872, and West, SBH. xlvii. 
SON mee 

3 Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, pp. 
226-227. Moreover, on Phi. Notar 
and Rak, see West, SBE. xlvii. 29, 40, 
44, 80, 147, and Appendix IV., below. 

£Ya. 1b. 855 eh Yt. 185139). 92265 
17. 46. The Pahlavi narrative Yat- 
kar-I Zariran, § 48 (Geiger, p. 59), 
makes Hitds the sister as well as queen 
of Vishtasp, according to Magian prac- 
tice. 

5 No less than thirty are spoken of in 


71 


qeied pezeryip reunyy 
(62 ‘TS 
‘pa ‘yesivy (63 ‘Ie Pa 
“OLIN 10) “Yesae}-O1v}V IO) (qsnurepy 10) (pezysun 10) 

















qyyupreqy ‘eg ‘undeyey ‘zg feu ‘Tw ysepry-uvmyeg = esieyUyIL «=o yesueyUNyW IVypeysON zoIe-eypy ysnuryryy 
x | (ie | (2s 
a, 
a S 
5 Gy | 3S a 
< 2 3 A S a 
= 5 a og os cee 
> Se Orne se wi Ses 5 x 

& Pao H Pee th ee gto & =I S 
° ceo ice nee Mie as, 2. Ss oO S zz 
Ry sad sememe tr gg st oho N s rea 
Q ca (ey fe eitel Cre] tains! tale) SS oe 
4 ins Ono O00 co oo1o — 2 me Re. Ht ug 

Baw hHH HHH HH WS Gg dg SH 18 15 1 
a Oeo OO OD OO OO o 8 io eae NE ci 
& OHHPH YP HH EHH RHA seo YS a 3 
Q A II Idi iidignq tans aan ma (anqsen ‘IeAsvg 10) LITVAvzseg 
i | om ame aS) 
& "80I-GOL “ET “FA Jo !suog ‘sro yang 
S 
S 
Q 
= (6a ‘d 
S ‘ON ‘Wour ‘pIyeN 10) unseyey ‘Tw osje f vsovanyy ‘z "w eee A SuOos TeT}O JO LaquINT VW (MIVZ IO) IAIVAIIIVZ 
Ry 
S 


(dsvayoT 10) edsv-jeainy 
“B{SOAY 9} Ul punoy ote Gurovds yA pozurd soumeyy) 
"e6g ‘d ‘yonquawnAT sayosvunay ‘YSsne IaIyW 


“VdSVLHSIA FO WIAVL ITVOISOTVANAD 





a2 THE COURT AND ITS CONVERSION 


(Phi. Spend-dat, Pers. Isfendiair) and Peshdtanu, have been 
alluded to already and they will appear again. A daughter 
Huma (Phl. Pers. Hiimai), renowned for her beauty, is carried 
away, along with her sister Beh-Afrid, into captivity, by 
the king’s mortal foe Arjasp; but they both are gallantly 
rescued by their heroic brother Isfendiar, as told in the Shah 
Namah.! 

The principal facts which the Avesta emphasizes about Vish- 
tiispa are, his conversion, his zealous support of the Creed, and 
his vigorous crusading in behalf of the Faith. It furthermore 
portrays this nonpareil of kings as the very incarnation of reli- 
gious obedience and of priestly ideals; he is the representative 
of the priest-god Sraosha, whom he typifies on earth; and he 
will serve as an officiating pontiff at the final judgment of the 
world, among those who are to be selected for that office.? 
This accentuation of the priestly side of Vishtasp’s character, 
which is found in the sacerdotal writings, seems to accord with 
the tradition that, following historic precedent, he withdrew 
from active affairs in the latest part of his life, and gave him- 
self up to pious pilgrimage or devotion.® 

Romantic Story of Vishtasp’s Youth. — With respect to the 
youth of this ideal king we have only a romantic story told by 
Firdausi in the Shah Namah and repeated by Mirkhond on 


authority of the Tarikh Ma‘jem.t According to the great 


the Yatkar-i Zaririn, § 48; compare 
also the partial list in Av. Yt. 18. 102- 
103 (see genealogical table). Thirty 
sons are spoken of in the Shah Namah 
as having been slain in different battles ; 
it mentions two daughters by name, 
and one of these occurs in the Avesta. 
Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 395. 

1 Yt. 13. 189 (Huma) ; Yatkar-1 Za- 
riran, § 57 (Htmai), and compare Dar- 
mesteter, Le ZA. ii. 552, n. ; Dk. 9. 22. 
2; SHN. trad. Mohl, iv. p. 864, and pp. 
830, 341, 356, 364, 372, 390, 429, 435, 
558. In YZ. § 57 (Geiger) and ShN. 


iv. p. 830, 341 (Mohl), Himai becomes 
the wife of Isfendiar (or of Bastvar ? 
YZ), according to Ancient Persian 
practice of next-of-kin marriage. 

2See Pahlavi reference § 2 on 
pe 0: 

3 Asan illustration, recall the classi- 
cal accounts which record his retire- 
ment for a time to India (Sagastan, 
Cabul ?), and connect with it also the 
religious wisdom implied in the oracu- 
lar sayings attributed to hisname. See 
also Chap. XI. and p. 87, n. 1. 

4ShN. trad. Mohl, iv. 224 seq., 


STORY OF VISHTASP’S YOUTH 73 


poetic chronicler, Vishtasp (Gushtasp) has some disagreement 
with his father King Lohrasp, and quits the city of Balkh 
which his father has founded. He leaves Iran and wanders 
westward towards Rum.! There, at the court of an emperor, 
he accomplishes deeds of unparalleled prowess, wins the hand 
of the princess, Katayun (Kitabin, or Nahid), becomes recon- 
ciled to his father through the good offices of his brother Zarir,? 
returns to Iran and receives the crown from Lohrasp’s hands. 
Such is the novelistic story of the Shah Namah.? 

A similar romantic episode is preserved in Athenus (19. 
275 a), as narrated by Chares of Mitylene, but it is told of the 
early years of Zariadres (presumably Zarir), brother to Hys- 
taspes of ‘ Media and the territory below.’* According to the 
account, Zariadres himself rules the territory from the Caspian 
Gates to the Tanais, in which region the scene is laid. The 
name of the princess, in this case, is Odatis. Whether this epi- 
sode, like the preceding, be founded upon fiction or upon some 
basis of fact, it is of interest because it connects the name of 
Vishtaspa, for a time at least, with the country west of Asia.§ 
When the Shah Namah makes Vishtaésp (Gushtasp) return, 
and, like all the later tradition, it makes him succeed his father 
at the city of Balkh, we have a new point of contact between 
the West and the East, Media and Bactria, to add on the side 
of that theory which believes that the Religion, following Zoro- 
aster himself, gradually changed from West to East.® 


Mirkhond, History, tr. Shea, p. 263, 
266 ; cf. also Néldeke, Grundriss d. 
tran. Philol. ii. 138, 166. 

1 General designation for the By- 
zantine empire, Asia Minor, Greece, 
Rome. 

2 Mohl, iv. 278-281. 

3 SN. trad. Mohl, iv. 288-289, and 
Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 159. 

4 Mnélas kal tis Srondtw xdpas; cf. 
Spiegel, ZDMG. xli. 295; xlv. 197; 
lii, 193. 


5 Consult Rapp, ZDMG. xx. 66; 
Spiegel, ZDMG. xli. 294 seq.; xlv. 
197 ; lii. 193 ; Darmesteter, Le ZA. iii. 
p. lxxxi. and Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, 
p- 382; Justi, Grundriss der iran. 
Philol. ii. 4038. 

6 On the question of change of dy- 
nasty in the succession of Vishtasp, 
consult what is said by Justi, Preus- 
sische Jahrbiicher, Bd. 88, pp. 246, 
252; Grdr. iran. Ph. ii. 410. See also 
Spiegel, ZDMG. xli. 295; xlv. 197. 


74 THE COURT AND ITS CONVERSION 


Far-reaching Influence of Vishtaspa’s Conversion. — Viewed 
in its historic light the conversion of Vishtaspa is the main 
event of the Religion. The struggling creed now has a royal 
patron and protector. Zoroaster, therefore, at once proceeds 
to admonish his new convert concerning the path of holiness. 
A traditional reminiscence of these admonitions is found in 
the later Avestan Yasht Fragment, Vishtiésp Sasto;1 and the 
Zartusht Namah further exemplifies them from tradition by 
summarizing, in a general sort of way, the main outlines of the 
teachings of the Avestan Revelation.2, The Pahlavi Dinkart 
at this point adds a picturesque statement to the effect that 
‘When Zaratiisht chanted the revelation in the abode of Vish- 
tasp, it was manifest to the eye that it was danced to with joy- 
fulness, both by the cattle and beasts of burden, and by the 
spirit of the fires which are in the abode.’® A new champion 
of the Faith, and protector of animal life as well, has been won, 
and joy reigns supreme. But the demons of Ahriman rush 
away to darkness. 

Members of Vishtaspa’s Court—Immediate Conversions — 
Living Personalities in the Gathas. —‘I'wo results followed as 
a natural sequel to the conversion of the king and his queen: 
one was, that the religion was at once generally adopted by the 
court ; the other was, that it soon began to spread throughout 
the land. The former of these two results must first be dis- 
cussed, and with it a brief description of the court personalities 
is necessary, as well as a few words upon the life and sur- 
roundings. 

The best picture that we have of Zarathushtra’s position at 
the court of Vishtaspa, and the most real and vivid glimpses 
that we can get so as to contrast the religious times before him 
with his present life, are to be found in the Gathas themselves. 
Here we have the very words of the great Reformer or of his 


1E.g. Yt. 24. 12; cf. also Dk. 8. 11. 8 Dk. 7. 5. 2 (West’s translation). 
1 seq. 4 Byt. 2. 16; Dk. 7. 4. 87. 
2 ZtN. p. 512 seq. 


THE GATHAS OR ZOROASTRIAN PSALMS 75 


disciples ; and the expressions heard in the Gathas have as true 
and personal a ring as the cry of the Davidic Psalms. The 
tone of the Gathas is varied. Hope, despair, exultation, dis- 
couragement, succeed each other with rapid change; for the 
moment, confidence and assurance, but then doubt and hesi- 
tancy ; a period of zeal and activity must evidently have been 
followed by a time of repose and meditation ; now admonition, 
exhortation, and promise; again philosophic speculation or 
veiled mystery, the spiritual sense of which could best be 
appreciated by the initiated; a shade of darkness, yet illu- 
minated by a burst of light, by vision, by inspiration ; then 
comes the final fiery outbreak of the prophetic soul in a clarion 
note of triumph and the transport of joyous victory. These 
are the tones that run in minor chords through the Gatha 
Psalms. Well indeed would it be for the infidel and heretic if 
he would hearken unto wisdom and the Faith. The wicked 
man and the unbeliever, the Dregvant and the Daéva, are 
fiercely anathematized; the righteous Ashavan and the godly 
ruler are highly extolled. 

The little band of the faithful forms a church militant. Of 
ritual there is little or none. The communicants at the new 
altar are few, but they move in procession distinctly before our 
eyes. The Gathas mention some of them by name; certain of 
these are Zarathushtra’s kinsfolk. The Haécataspas, descend- 
ants of Spitama, who must have shared in Zarathushtra’s suc- 
cess at the palace, are living personages. We recognize them 
when the Priest calls upon them in exhortation.!_ His favorite 
daughter Pourucista, whose marriage to Jamiaspa forms a 
theme in one of these Psalms, may be pictured as a type of 
filial piety and womanly devotion.? His cousin Maidyoi-ma- 

1Cf. also Mills, The Zend-Avesta, ‘Persian Religion,’ in Cheyne and 
in SBE. xxxi. Introd. p. xxvi; Geiger, Black’s Encyclopedia Biblica. 
in Darab D. P. Sanjana’s Zarathush- 2 Compare also what is said of P6- 
train the Gathas, pp.7-8,163seq.;and riicast and Jamasp in the Pahlavi, Dk. 


likewise the allusions to Vishtaspa’s 9. 45. 4 (West’s translation, SBE. 
court in Geldner’s forthcoming article, xxxvii. 299-300). 


76 THE COURT AND ITS CONVERSION 


onha is already known to us as the earliest convert and asa 
sort of beloved disciple. The noble Frashaoshtra, vizir and 
attendant upon Vishtaspa’s throne, shows his faithful devotion 
to the Messenger of Ormazd by giving his daughter Hvégvi 
(Hvovi) to be a wife to him. And lastly Jamaspa, the wise 
counsellor and chancellor of the king, and brother to Frasha- 
oshtra, proves to be so sage an adviser, as time goes on, and so 
valued a supporter of the Creed, that Zoroaster’s prophetic 
mantle descends upon his shoulders after the death of the 
great high priest, and King Vishtasp ordains him as the holy 
successor in the pontifical office.t It was he, according to tra- 
dition, who originally wrote down the ‘Avesta and Zand’ 
from the teachings of Zoroaster.2, With regard to these per- 
sonages of the Gathas, it is needless to add references to the 
Pahlavi literature. Some other details respecting them have 
been given above in Chapter II. A single quotation from the 
Avestan Psalms may be added here. It is from the Gatha 
Ushtavaiti (Yasna 46. 14 seq.). The Prophet with his own 
lips asks a question, and in rhetorical style he gives the answer 
himself. 


‘Who is it, O Zarathushtra, that is thy righteous friend ; or who 
is 1t that wishes to be renowned for his great virtue? It is the 
warrior Vishtaspa, and, with the words of Vohu Manah (Good 
Thought) I invoke those in his abode whom he has converted by his 
praising (the Religion). 

‘Of you, ye children of Haécat-aspa, descendants of Spitaima, will 
I say this: that ye did distinguish the good from the evil, (and) ye 
have won for yourselves Asha (Righteousness) * by such acts as are 
the first laws of Ahura. 

‘Do thou, O Frashaoshtra, son of Hvégva, go thither with the 
elect whom we wish to be in bliss; (go thither) where Armaiti (Har- 


1 See my note in Mélanges Charles others, as a glance at the Indexes to 
de Harlez, pp. 188-189, Leyde, 1896. West’s ‘Pahlavi Texts’ in the Sacred 

2 About B.c. 591; forthe references, Books of the East will show. 
see Chap. VIII., pp. 97, 117, and Ap- 4 Lit. ‘have given Asha to your- 
pendix III. selves.’ 

3 E.g. Dk. 9. 28. 5, and scores of 


CONVERSIONS IN THE COURT CIRCLE te 


mony, genius of the Earth) is united with Asha (Righteousness), 
where Vohu Manah’s Kingdom (Khshathra,) is established, accord- 
ing to desire, and where Ahura Mazda dwells amid abundance, and 
where, O Jamaspa, son of Hvégva, I shall proclaim the ordinances 
which are yours (ye Archangels) and nothing which is not in har- 
mony with your ordinances.’? 


Similar personal situations and allusions to the faithful are 
indicated in Ys. 51. 16 seq., 53. 1 seq., and elsewhere in these 
metrical hymns. Butenough! The principal points regarding 
Zoroaster’s own immediate family have been presented in Chap- 
ter II., which deals with that subject. The genealogical table 
of the Hvogva family was presented in that chapter because it 
shows the connections which arose by the intermarriage of 
Pourucista and Jamaspa, and of Hvogvi and Zarathushtra him- 
self.2 It is easy to see how Zoroaster made his position at 
court still stronger by allying himself closely with those next 
to the throne. For almost all of the statements that have been 
made thus far the Avesta itself has been the principal source. 

Other Members of the Court Circle converted. — Among other 
conversions of those belonging to the immediate circle of the 
court of Vishtaspa, two must at once be mentioned. ‘These are 
the king’s brother Zairivairi (Phl., Mod. Pers. Zarer, Zarir) 
and the king’s gallant son Spento-data (Phl. Spend-dat, Mod. 
Pers. Isfendiar). Their names do not happen to occur in the 
Gathas, but they are mentioned foremost among the faithful in 
the Avestan Yashts; and the Pahlavi Dinkart and Shikand 
Gimanik Vijar commend them to praise among the earliest 
converts. These special Pahlavi passages also show that many 
of the nobility were early attracted to the Creed. The Dinkart 
states: ‘At first Zarir, Spend-dat, Frashoshtar, and Jamasp, 


1Ys. 46.17. LIomit the latter part Av. trad. 2d ed. pp. 353-354 ; Spiegel, 


of this stanza, as unnecessary in this 
connection. For translations of this 
Gatha, see also Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 
307-308 ; Geldner, BB. xiv. 23 seq. ; 
Mills, SBH. xxx. 142 seq. ; de Harlez, 


Avesta, iibersetzt, ii. 155. 

2 See Chap. II., pp. 21-22, and com- 
pare also Dk. 9. 44. 16-19; 9. 45. 2-6, 
in SBE. xxxvii. 297-300. 


78 THE COURT AND ITS CONVERSION 


several of the realm who were noble, conspicuous, and well- 
acting, the good and princes of mankind, beheld visibly the will 
and desirableness of Atharmazd and the archangels, and the 
progressive religion of the creatures, fit for those completely 
victorious.’! The Shikand Gumanik Vijar adds its testimony, 
that ‘Kai Spend-dat and Zarir and other (royal) sons, instigat- 
ing the many conflicts and shedding the blood of those of the 
realm, accepted the religion as a yoke, while they even wandered 
to Arum and the Hindus, outside the realm, in propagating 
the religion.’? With regard to Spend-dat (Spento-data, Isfen- 
diar) it is interesting to observe that the late Persian author- 
ity Mirkhond conveys the idea that this heroic youth was 
largely instrumental in inducing the king, his father, to 
adopt the Faith which he himself apparently had already 
accepted. 

With the conversion of Zarir to the Religion, later tradition 
associates also that of the old King Lohrasp (Ay. Aurvat-aspa), 
who has abdicated and is supposed still to be alive, although 
the Avesta makes no special mention of his name in connection 
with the Creed.2 The Shah Namah is not altogether precise, 
but it includes Lohrasp as ‘the old king’ among the number 
who, with Zarir and other nobles, ‘girded themselves with the 
sacred cord and became converted’ to the faith which Vishtasp 
had adopted. The later Persian Dabistan, on the authority of 
the Behdinians (‘those of the good Faith’) gives the specific 
occasion of the conversion of these two, somewhat picturesquely 
as follows: ‘The doctors of the pure faith record that King 
Lohrasp and Zarir, brother to Gushtasp, having fallen into so 
violent a malady that the physicians in despair desisted from 
all attendance upon them ; but having been restored to health 


1Dk. 5. 2. 12, West, SBE. xlvii. are Yt. 24. 34, 46, as the word is there 


125. apparently an attribute. 
2SeV. 10. 67 (West’s translation, 4ShN. bibastand kustti bah din 
SBE. xxiv. 171). dmadand; ed. Vullers-Landauer, iii. 


3 Simply Yt. 5. 105, Aurvat-aspa as pp. 1498; ef. trad. Mohl, iv. 291. 
father of Vishtaspa. Very doubtful 


CONCLUSION 79 


through the prayers of Zardusht, they adopted the pure faith.’? 
Another instance of faith cure or healing by Zoroaster, aided, 
however, by herbs, will be recorded below. Zoroaster himself, 
however, speaks of his own office as ‘the physician of the soul.’? 

Conclusion.—The real success which Zoroaster won was first 
due to the influence of the king and the court. The Gathas 
give us some idea of Zoroaster’s preaching before the assembled 
community. His were new words and they were listened to by 
those who came from near and far (e.g. Ys. 45.1). With royal 
authority to back the Religion and noble power to support it, 
the advance and spread of the Faith must have been rapid, and 
accounts will next be given of other conversions and of the 
history of the religious propaganda. 

1Pabistan, tr. Shea and Troyer, 2Ayv. ahumbi3, Ys. 31. 19; 44 


i. 255. Compare similarly Atkinson, 2, 16. 
Firdaust Shah Namah, p. 258, ll. 4-10. 


CHAPTER VII 


PROMULGATION OF THE GOSPEL 


EARLY RELIGIOUS PROPAGANDA 
ya jvantd vispang vaurayd. — Avesta, Ys. 81. 3. 


InTRODUCTION, THE Cypress OF KisHmMAR— CONVERSIONS MORE NUMEROUS ; 
SPREAD OF THE GOSPEL; Earty RELIGIOUS PROPAGANDA — SPREAD OF THE 
RELIGION IN IRAN — SoME ConvERSIONS IN TURAN— AVERRED CONVERSIONS 
or Hixpus—Srory oF THE BRAHMAN ‘CANGRANGHACAH’ —TuHE Hindu 
Sacer ‘ BIAs’ — FasLep GrEEK ConvERSIONS — Dip ZorOASTER VISIT BaBy- 
LON ? — CONCLUSION 


Introduction, the Cypress of Kishmar. — In telling the story of 
Zoroaster and of Vishtaspa’s embracing the new Faith, the Shah 
Namah narrates how Zardusht planted a cypress-tree before the 
door of the fire-temple at Kishmar, in the district of Tarshiz 
in Khorassan or Bactria, as a memento of Vistaspa’s conversion, 
and had inscribed upon its trunk that ‘Gushtasp had accepted 
the Good Religion.’!_ Marvellous became the growth and age 
of this wonderful tree, the famous cypress of Kishmar (sarv- 
Kishmar), as recounted by the Farhang-i Jahangiri, Dabistan, 
and other writings, as mentioned by Hyde and noticed more 
fully below in Appendix IV.? The allegory is rather fine ; the 
tree typifies by its spreading branches the rapid advance of the 
Creed under the fostering care of the king and the court. 


1 Kih pabsiruft Gustdsp din-i bahi,  Vullers, Fragmente, pp. 71, 72, 114—- 
ShN. ed. Vullers-Landauer, iii. 1499; 115; Floigl, Cyrus und Herodot, p. 15; 
trad. Mohl, iv. 291-293; Farhang-iJa- Wilson, Parsi Religion, 444; and An- 
hangiri and the Muj. cited by Hyde,  quetil du Perron, as alluded to below 
Hist. Relig. (1ed.) 317, 327 ;the Dabis- in Appendix II. A, iii. f;, 0:15) ps dows 
tan, tr. Shea and Troyer, i. 306-809 ; 2 See references in preceding note. 

80 


EARLY RELIGIOUS PROPAGANDA 81 


Other Conversions; Spread of the Gospel; Early Religious 
Propaganda. — Outside of the immediate circle of the king, con- 
versions begin rapidly to follow. The way no doubt had already 
been paved among the people, and Vishtaspa’s own example and 
his enthusiastic zeal could but exercise wide-spread influence. 
With all the spirit and fire of a new convert he is untiring in 
his efforts for the establishment of the Faith. The unknown 
author of the Farvadin Yasht, when he comes to Vishtaspa’s 
name (Yt. 13. 99-100), breaks out into a eulogy : — 


‘It was this righteous and bold warrior, 
The hero of redoubtable weapon, 
The very incarnation of the Law 
And devoted to the Lord — 
It was he, who, with advancing weapon, 
Sought out a broad path of Righteousness, 
And, with advancing weapon, 
Found the broad path of Righteousness. 
He, it was, who became the arm 
And the support of the Religion 
Of Zarathushtra, of Ahura; 
He, who dragged from her chains the Religion 
That was bound in fetters and unable to stir; 
And made her take a place 
In the midst (of the nations), 
Exalted with power, advancing and hallowed.’ 


We can but regret the loss of the eleventh Avestan Nask, 
which dealt particularly with the promulgation of the Faith. 
The Pahlavi treatise Din-Vijirkart tells us of its missing con- 
tents as follows: ‘In this Nask is the topic of the sovereignty 
of Gushtisp, and Zaratisht the Spitaman, having brought the 
religion from Atharmazd, King Gushtasp accepted it, and 
made it current in the world,! and the Persian Rivayat 
of Kamah Bahrah gives the same testimony.? It is true that 
the Bahman Yasht reserves till a generation later the accom- 
plishment of the task of making the religion current in the 
‘whole’ world, which is finally brought about by the Kayanian 


1 Dyj. § 11, tr. West, SBE. xxxvii. 442. 2 Riv.11.tr. West, SBE. xxxvii. 424, 
G 


82 PROMULGATION OF THE GOSPEL 


‘Artashir (Kai), whom they call Vohtiman son of Spend- 
dat.’ Later writers bear the same testimony to the tradition 
of Vishtaspa’s religious energy. The Arab Ibn al-Athir, for 
example, states that when Vishtasp accepted the Faith ‘he 
compelled his people to do the same and he killed a large 
number of them until they adopted it.’2 This may be a later 
Mohammedan view, but there is no doubt that fire and the 
sword were not absent in the Avesta, and further evidences 
will be seen in the next chapter of propaganda by religious 
crusades at home and abroad. First we must notice the 
spread of the Creed in Iran itself. 

Spread of the Religion in Iran. —It is tolerably certain that 
within Ivan itself the fire of the Faith of Zoroaster rapidly 
spread, fanned, as it was, by the breath of sovereign power. 
Conversions were undoubtedly the order of the day ; adherents 
continued to multiply and devoted volunteers began to crowd 
into the ranks which had been captained at the court. From 
the Avesta and from later literature we know the names of many 
of these. In the Yashts? we have a prose list of nearly a 
hundred sainted persons who are connected with the Vishtaspa 
circle. ‘They are evidently the first disciples —the so-called 
Paoiryo-tkaéshas — of the Zoroastrian Creed. How far and 
how fast the religion actually spread in the earliest period we 
do not know. We know, however, that the land of Seistan was 
one of the earliest scenes of the promulgation of the Faith, as 
will be seen by the sequel and proved by the Pahlavi treatise, 
There were 


doubtless parts of Iran which were Zoroastrian only in name. 


‘Wonders of Sagastiin,’ elsewhere referred to. 


The surmises on the question of Vishtaspa’s exact rank and 


1 Byt. 2. 17; the passage should be 
looked at in West’s translation, SBE. 
v. 198-199. 

2 Cf. Gottheil, References to Zoro- 
aster, p. 40. 

3 Yt. 18. 95-110. 

4 With such names in the Avestan 


list as Parshat-gao, Saéna, Vohvasti, 
Isvant (Yt. 13. 96), we may compare 
the Pahlavi texts, Dk. 9. 24.17; 9. 33. 
5. The French translation of the 
Yashts by Darmesteter (Le ZA. ii. 
530 seq.) gives numerous identifica- 
tions. 


SOME CONVERSIONS IN TURAN 83 


sovereignty have also been more than one. The problem of the 
exact lands and territories concerned, and at how early a 
period Persia Proper is to be included, requires discussion else- 
where. One thing is certain, that Zoroastrianism was destined | 
to become the national religion of Ivan. 

Some Conversions in Turan.—Nor is the Creed circum- 
scribed by the borders of Iran alone. From the Avesta we 
know that other lands and climes came in for a share of the 
good tidings of the Faith. The ‘fravashis,’ or guardian spirits 
of those who are righteous ‘outside of the country,’ or abroad, 
All of which 


And among a dozen such lands 


are invoked as well as those within the land.! 
implies some lapse of time. 
and countries, Turan comes in for a share of the blessing. \ 
Turanians are mentioned by name in the canonical list of the 
faithful whose ‘fravashis,’ or idealized spirits, are glorified (Yt. 
13. 111-129). In fact, among those catalogued for sainthood 
in the list is one Isvant, son of Varaza, whom the Dinkart 
counts as a Turanian when it includes his name as ‘ Isvant, son 
of Varaz, from the countries of Taran,’ among those who will 
officiate on the last day at the general resurrection.2 In the 
Gathas themselves Zarathushtra devotes a stanza to the 
descendants of Fryana of Turan, as he was one who had been 
attracted to the Prophet and is selected to receive a destined 
reward. Zoroaster speaks of him with favoring words (Ys. 
46. 12): — 

‘When Asha (Righteousness) ® came unto those that are to 
be named as the children, and children’s children, of F ryana, 
the Turanian who zealously doth further the possessions of 
Armaiti,t and when Vohu Manah (Good Thought) took up his 


1 Ys. 26.9; Vsp. 16. 2, ddaliyunam- 
Ca asaonam fravasayo yazamaide, uwz- 
daliyungamea, an idea of universal 
brotherhood. 

2 Dk. 9. 33. 5, West, SBE. xxxvii. 
262; compare also Darmesteter, Le 


ZA, ii. 530, n. 179, and Justi, Iran. Na- 
menbuch, p. 148. 

3 T.e. instr. sg. as subject; so also 
below and elsewhere. 

#T.e. increasing Earth by agricul- 
tural activity. 


84 PROMULGATION OF THE GOSPEL 


abode with them, (then) the Lord Mazda is announced to 
them to their comfort.! 

‘This man who among men did propitiate Spitama Zara- 
thushtra by his generosity, he is exalted to be praised; and the 
Lord Mazda gave life unto him, and Vohu Manah furthered 
for him his worldly goods, and him we regard as your goodly 
ally in Righteousness (Asha).’ 

A descendant of this virtuous Turanian house,? Yoishto yo 
Fryanaim, is commemorated in a metrical passage of the 
Avesta, for his wisdom and for his victory over a malicious 
wizard Akhtya.? The episode is fully elaborated in the Pah- 
lavi tale which bears the name Yosht-i Fryano, and it need not 
be treated here.* 

Averred Conversions of Hindus. —In the great Persian 
Chronicle Shah Namah we have mention of the vigorous efforts 
that were made in the way of religious propaganda; Firdausi 
(or Dakiki) speaks of Mobeds who were sent on this holy mis- 
sion all over the world, assisted and aided by Isfendiar’s con- 
quering sword.’ The land of ‘Rum,’ or Asia Minor and the 
West, as well as Hindustan are included in the successful mis- 
sionary fields. The earlier Pahlavi work, Shikand Gumanik 
Vijar (A.D. ninth century) narrates the same fact when it 
speaks of the valiant Spend-dat and Zarir, and of those other 
noble sons of Vishtisp, who accepted the religion, of the con- 


1 Or ‘for their protection.’ 

2The house of Fryana has been 
aptly identified by Eugen Wilhelm 
with the family coming from Piran as 
ancestor, in the Shah Namah. See 
his comment in ZDMG. xliv. 151, and 
compare also Justi, Preuss. Jahrbiicher, 
Bd. 88, p. 251, and Jran. Namenbuch, 
p. 106. 

3 This wizard is killed in the eigh- 
tieth year of the Religion according to 
Zsp. 28. 10, West, SBE. xlvii. 166. 
That date would answer to B.c. 551, 
see Appendix III. 


4 Cf. Yt. 5. 81-83, and the Pahlavi 
Yosht-i Fryano, §§ 1-6, tr. by West 
and Haug in Arda Virdf, pp. 247-266, 
London, 1872; also tr. by A. Bar- 
thélemy, Une légende iranienne, Paris, 
1889. See West, Grundriss d. iran. 
Philol. ii. 108, § 58, and Peshotan 
Darab Behramjee Sanjana, Dinkart, 
vol. v. p. 305. 

5 Further references will be given 
in the next chapter ; meanwhile notice 
Shah Namah, iii. 1498 seq., ed. Vullers- 
Landauer, and the translation of Mohl, 
iv. pp. 344, 499, 518, 542, 558. 


ALLEGED CONVERSIONS IN INDIA 85 


flicts and bloodshed, and says ‘they even wandered to Arim 
and the Hindus, outside the realm, in propagating the religion.’ ! 
The claim to Indian converts is quite persistent in the later 
writings, which is not so strange when we consider the Indo- 
Tranian kinship and the fact that the Parsis found in India an 
asylum from Mohammedan persecution. 

Story of the Brahman ‘ Cangranghacah.’ — The most inter- 
esting episode, perhaps, of the foreign conversions is the later 
Persian story which is told of Cangranghacah, a Brahman sage 
who comes from India to Vishtasp’s court in order to refute 
Zoroaster’s doctrines, but the Hindu teacher himself is taught 
by the greater master and becomes a devoted convert of the 
Priest of Iran. 
other matters, in the Cangranghacah Namah, a modern Persian 
The author of this 


This picturesque narrative is recounted, with | 


poetical work of the thirteenth century. 
treatise is stated to be Zartusht Bahram Pazhdi, of the ancient 
city of Rai, who also composed the Zartusht Namah; and like 
the latter work it is claimed to be drawn from Pahlavi sources, 
if we may agree with Anquetil du Perron, who is our chief 
source of information on the subject. This story of the Brah- 
man’s conversion is briefly repeated in the Dabistan and it is 
alluded to incidentally in the text of the Dasatir and described 
in its commentary.* All this implies some currency of the tale. 
A brief abstract of the narrative, so far as it relates to the 
main event, is worth giving, and it is here presented, being 


But 


1 Sey. 10. 67-68, West, SBE. xxiv. 
yale 

2 Ms. in Fonds d’Anquetil, 10. Sup- 
plément d’ Anquetil, 13. 

3 Anquetil du Perron, Zend-Avesta, 
Eebt. 2, p. 6, n., pp. 47-58, and p. 
xxxiii. ; alsoi. Pt. 1, p. dxxxvi. § 67; 
and again, ii. p. 790, Index. The 
value of this treatise is not very highly 
esteemed by Spiegel, Die Traditionelle 
Literatur der Parsen, ii. 182, nor by 


Wilson, Parsi Religion, p. 445. 
its reputation may grow like the Zar- 
tusht Namah. For other references, 
see farther on. 

4 Dabistan, tr. by Shea and Troyer, 
i. 276-277 ; Desatir, (Dasatir) tr. by 
Mulla Firuz Bin Kaus, Bombay, 1818, 
ii. 125-126. See Appendix VI. On 
the character of the Dasatir, see also 
Wilson, Parsi Religion, pp. 411-412. 


86 PROMULGATION OF THE GOSPEL 


based on the fuller account of the Cangranghacah Namah 
found in Anquetil.? 

Sketch of the Incident. — The aged Brahman sage, Cangrang- 
hacah, is a philosopher whose learning and wisdom were far- 
famed throughout India and known in Iran. He is reported 
even to have been the teacher of Jamasp, minister to King Vish- 
tasp, whose devotion to Zoroaster is regarded as a fall from grace. 
Accordingly the Brahman writes to Vishtasp a letter remon- 
strating with the monarch for believing in the upstart Prophet. 
At the proposal of Vishtasp he finally comes himself to ‘ Balkh’ 
with a great following of devoted disciples, in order to debate 
with Zoroaster and to put the impostor to confusion. But he 
who came to scoff remains to pray. Zoroaster is prepared by 
premonition to answer all the seer’s questions before he asks 
them; and amid a great assemblage of learned men who have 
gathered from many parts of the country to listen for days to 
the religious debate, the chosen Priest of Ormazd disarms his 
antagonist before the latter has time to lift his weapons in dis- 
cussion and conflict. By reading a Nask or book of the 
Avesta, in which every difficult question prepared by the 
Hindu controversialist is already answered, he astonishes and 
utterly confounds the Brahman. So completely is the Hindu 
philosopher vanquished and convinced, that with remarkable 
candor he forthwith acknowledges his defeat, is converted, 
adopts the Faith, receives a copy of the Avesta from Zoroas- 
ter’s own hands, becomes a zealous adherent, and joins in 
spreading the Prophet’s teachings in Hindustan and the adja- 
cent countries, so that eighty thousand souls in this way 
receive the enlightenment of the true Faith. A festival is 
instituted to commemorate this important event. Such in 
brief is the story, which remotely reminds us of the ecclesias- 
tical convocations and the discussions and disputations of 
Luther. 

This legend, as stated, seems rather to be of later origin, and 


1 Anquetil du Perron, Zend-Avesta, i. Pt. 2, pp. 47-53. 


THE BRAHMAN ‘CANGRANGHACAH’ 87 


it may have arisen after Zoroastrian believers found refuge in 
India in Mohammedan days; and where, as time went on, Brah- 
mans and Dasturs perhaps came into debate and conflict. Ney- 
ertheless it is as old as the Zartusht Namah, which has been 
proved to contain old material, and it is by the same author, as 
already explained; and religious intercourse and connection 
between India and Iran at all periods in history is undoubted.1 
No great religion is confined to the bounds of its own country. 
And as for religious controversies and debates, nothing is more 
common. The Avesta alludes to a victorious debate with 
Naidyah Gaotema, whom some have tried, among several other 
suggestions, to identify with this same Brahman Cangrang- 
hacah.2 The Pahlavi texts speak of Zaratiisht’s discussions 
with learned men whose questions he is able to answer even 
before they ask them. The statements on this subject have 
been given above.? It is possible that in the Avesta we may 
discover the source of the story, which seems to be somewhat 
legendary, in a mistaken view that the Avestan adjective ean- 
rawzhde (Vsp. 1.1, etc.) contains an allusion to a proper name. 
Anquetil du Perron himself understood that epithet in the Vis- 
On the other hand 
some have seen in this tradition of an Indian wise man, who 
comes to Iran, a late story concocted as an allusion to the 


famous Vedantist philosopher, S/ankara-Acarya.® 


perad as an allusion to the Hindu sage. 


This view 


1The references of the Pahlavi 
Shikand Gimanik Vijar and of the 
Shah Namah to Zoroastrianism in In- 
dia have been given above. Further- 
more, on relations and intercourse 
between Persia and India in religious 
matters, see Shea and Troyer’s note 
in Dab. i. 276 n.; also the story of 
Bias, next to be given; and p. 72, n. 3. 

2 Yt. 13. 16, see Windischmann, 
Mithra, p. 29, who suggests the pos- 
sibility ; but this is rejected by Justi, 
Hdb. d. Zendsprache, s.v. gaotama. 


The other identifications that have 
been suggested for Gaotema are dis- 
cussed in Appendix II., p. 177-178. 

2Seeypyolaandici Dk 4eniornpe 
2.10; Zsp. 28. 5 (West, SBE. xlvii. 
67, 124, 164). 

4 Zend-Avesta, i. Pt. 2, p. 92, and 
p. dl. 

5See Bréal, Le Brahme Tcheng- 
rénghatchah, in Journal Asiatique, 
1862, p. 497. Comparealso Shea and 
Troyer, Dabistan, i. 276, n. (Paris, 1843) ; 
and Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. p. 444, n. 


88 PROMULGATION OF THE GOSPEL 


is especially based on an identification of the great philoso- 
pher’s name with the form of the Brahman’s name which is 
found in the Dasatir (vol. ii. 125) as Sankarakas (for which 
the Commentary understands Cangranghacah).! Such a view 
is to be maintained only by premising that we are to regard 
the story as a later invention, purposely made up to exalt the 
triumph of an Ivanian over a Hindu philosopher. 

The Hindu Sage ‘ Bias.’ — A sequel to the story of the con- 
version of Cangranghacah is found in the tale of ‘ Bias’ told in 
the Dasatir and repeated from this source by the author of the 
Dabistan.2 The account describes how, when the news of 
Cangranghacah’s confession became noised abroad, another 
sage, Bias (i.e. Vyasa) by name, came from India to Iran in 
order to refute Zoroaster and to convert him. Like his prede- 
cessor, however, Bias is soon impressed by Zardusht’s super- 
human knowledge and divine insight, which penetrates even 
into the inmost thoughts of his soul, so that he also accepts the 
religion, or (to quote the actual words of the Dasatir com- 
mentary) ‘he returned thanks to Yezdin and united himself 
to the Behdin, after which he returned back to Hind.’? This 
story is merely a counterpart of the preceding —a combina- 
tion of legend and myth that seeks to bring Vyasa, the fabulous 
author of the Vedas, into connection with Zarathushtra. 

Fabled Greek Conversions. — The statements of the Pahlavi 
Shikand Gimanik Vijar and of the Persian Shah Namah 
have already been given as claiming traditionally that the West 
(Phi. Ariim, Pers. Rim)* came under Zoroaster’s influence. 
The tradition is late, but in one respect it might not be so far 
from the truth if we should choose to look at Zoroastrianism 
simply in the light of Mithra-worship which, as is well known, 


1The Desatir (Dasatir), Bombay, 3 Dasatir, ii. 144; Dabistan, i. 280- 
1818, vol. ii. 125. See Appendix VI., 288. See Appendix VI. 
where the passage is reprinted. 4 The comprehensive term to denote 


2Dasatir ii, 126-143 (§§ 65-162) Asia Minor, Greece, and the Roman 
and Dabistan, i. 280-283. Empire. 


FABLED GREEK CONVERSIONS 89 


pushed its way even far into Europe. It is not unnatural, more- 
over, for religious devotees to lay claims to extraordinary foreign 
missionary conquests. This third great debate or theological 
dispute into which Zoroaster is presumed to have entered and 
to have come off victorious, is with a Greek philosopher and 
master, as recorded in the Dasatir and noticed by the Dabis- 
tan.t The account is doubtless apocryphal, but it deserves 
consideration with the other alleged conversions, and there is 
perhaps a far-off echo of it in Hamzah of Isfahan, in a passage 
which describes how the Greeks evaded attempts to convert 
them, and the passage is given below in Appendix IV.2 

Briefly the Dasitir story of this conversion incident is as 
follows: In a prophetic passage the text of the Dasiatir tells 
how a wise man, named Tianiir (Pers. Tiitianiish) or Niyatis, 
as the Dabistan calls him,? ‘will come from Nuarakh (Pers. 
Yunan, i.e. Greece) in order to consult thee (O Zardusht) 
concerning the real nature of things. I will tell thee what he 
asketh and do thou answer his questions before he putteth 
them.’* The commentary upon this passage and also the 
Dabistan expressly state that the sages of Greece despatched 
this learned man after Isfendiar had promulgated the Faith in 
many lands. We may therefore infer that the event, if it 
occurred at all, took place some years after King Vishtasp had 
accepted the Religion. The god Mazda, on this occasion like- 
wise, instructs his prophet what he shall say and how he shall 
respond to the foreigner who is described as coming to 
‘Balkh.’® Ormazd assures Zardusht of success, and the com- 
mentary adds that ‘when the Yunani (i.e. Greek) sage heard 
all these words (of Zardusht), he entered into the Faith and 


1 Dasatir, ii. 120-125 (§§ 42-62) ; 
Dabistan, i. 277-278. 

2 For the original, see Hamzah al- 
Isfahani, Annales, ed. Gottwaldt, p. 26; 
ef. Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
p. 35 and also p. 199 below. 

8 Dasatir, ii. 120; Dabistan, i. 277, 


and Shea and Troyer’s note to the 
passage. On the language of the Da- 
satir, see what is said in Wilson, Parsi 
Religion, pp. 411-412. 

4 Dasatir, ii. 120, §§ 42-43. 

> See commentary upon Dasatir, ii. 
120, § 43; reprinted in Appendix VI. 


90 PROMULGATION OF THE GOSPEL 


studied knowledge under the beloved of God, Zardusht the 
Prophet. (As a reward, moreover), the king of kings, Gush- 
tasp, bestowed on him the office of Chief of the Hirbeds of 
Yunan, and of the Mobeds of that country. ‘The accomplished 
man (accordingly), having returned back to Yunan, brought 
over the inhabitants to the religion of that blessed Prophet.’ 4 

This story, whatever may be its worth or its worthlessness, 
is not uninteresting because it shows the existence of a tradi- 
tion on the Oriental side regarding early connections between 
Iran and Greece in which religious matters came into play. 
There may, of course, lurk in such tradition some reminiscence 
of intercourse between the nations prior to the Graeco-Persian 
wars. The note of Hamzah al-Isfahani on some attempt to 
spread Zardusht’s Gospel among the Hellenes has been men- 
tioned above, with a Pahlavi reference also and a tradition in 
Firdausi.2, We must not forget that the Dinkart asserts that a 
Greek translation was made of the Avesta.2 We may further- 
more recall several allusions of the Greeks themselves to the 
effect that Plato, Hermodorus, Theopompus, and others came 
under the influence of Magian doctrines. The name of this 
Grecian converted sage (Tiantr, Tutianish, or Niyattis) is very 
obscure and the reading is uncertain. But an identification 
with Pythagoras has been suggested on the basis of the point 
just presented.5 Whether founded on fiction, as is likely, or 
based upon fact, as is unlikely, the account merits recording 
and is fully given in Appendix VI. below, while the classical 
passages on Pythagoras, who is said to have studied in Babylon 
under the Magi, and on Plato might be worth looking over 
again in Appendix V., and in Chapter I., p. 7, n. 5. 

Did Zoroaster ever visit Babylon ? — In this same connection, 
when speaking of Babylon, it may be appropriate perhaps to 


1 Dasatir, ii. 125, § 62, commentary 4 For references, see Chap. I., pp. 
and text. 7-8. 
2See pp. 78, 84, 88. 5 See Troyer’s note on Dabistan, i. 


3 Dk. 3 (West, SBE. xxxvii. p. 277. Ishould think ‘ Plato’ might be 
REXEX16)) > as plausible a suggestion. 





"oS aa net 


ee aia) 


2 


DID ZOROASTER EVER VISIT BABYLON 91 


mention a statement made by the Pahlavi Dinkart which ascribes 
to the religion of Zarattsht the overthrow of error and evil in 
‘ Bapél,’ and it accounts this achievement as one of the marvels 
of the Faith.!. The passage speaks of the existence of ‘several 
matters of evil deceit which Dahak had done in Bapél through 
witchcraft ; and mankind had come to idol-worship through that 
seduction, and its increase was the destruction of the world ; 
but through the triumphant words of the religion which Zara- 
tusht proclaimed opposing it, that witchcraft is all dissipated 
and disabled.’? 

There is of course a distant possibility that after the Faith 
became fairly established Zoroaster himself actually did go on 
missionary journeys, teaching and preaching and exercising the 
influence of his own strong personality, We need only think 
of the three brief years of our Lord’s ministry. At all events 
it is not wholly impossible to believe that several places were 
visited, perhaps including Persepolis also,? even if we are not - 
prepared to accept so extravagant a view as that Babylon was | 
among the number. It is true that some of the classical writers 
make Pythagoras a follower of Zoroaster or at least of the Magi, 
who were established at Babylon and into whose mysteries he 
was initiated. The theory of personal travel need not be 
pressed too far; where the effect of the Religion came, there also 
the Master himself had gone in influence, if not in person. In 


1 Dk. 7. 4. 72, West’s translation in 
SBE. xlvii. 66. 

2 The text does not indicate at what 
time in Zoroaster’s career this event is 
supposed to have been brought about, 
or whether it did not come to pass 
later through the developments and 
spread of the Religion. The actual 
fall of Babylon occurred a generation 
after the Prophet. One might possibly 
conjecture from the passage that ‘the 
Religion’ perhaps joined hands with 
the conqueror Cyrus in destroying this 
city, which is spoken of with hatred 


in the Avesta as ‘Bawri’; cf. Yt. 5. 
29-81 ; cf.15. 19-21. In Mkh. 27. 64- 
67, the old king, Lohrasp, is regarded 
as having destroyed Jerusalem and dis- 
persed the Jews, a statement which is 
found elsewhere; see West, SBE. 
xxiv. 64. Somewhat similar is Dk. 5. 
1.5, cf. SBE. xlvii. 120. Brunnhofer, 
Vom Pontus bis zum Indus, p. 147, 
might be noticed. 

3 See references to Istakhr already 
given, and also below in Appendix IV. 

4See references in Chap. I., pp. 
7-8, and in Appendix V. 


92 PROMULGATION OF THE GOSPEL 


this we have only another phase of the footprints of Buddha. 
Regarding Babylon, moreover, everything which associates 
Zoroaster’s name with this city can but be of interest to the 
student of the Exilic Period of the Bible. 

Conclusion. — The story of the spread of the Faith, so far as 
we can gather it from tradition, implies that missionary efforts 
carried the Avesta to foreign lands as well as throughout the 
territory of Iran. Tales are told of Hindu conversions, and 
even Greeks are fabled to have accepted the Creed. Zoroaster 
himself may possibly have engaged personally in the general 
movement of the propaganda, but there is no proof that he 
visited Babylon. His time no doubt was constantly taken up 
in working for the Faith; some of the results which were 
achieved and some of the events which happened in the follow- 
ing years of the Religion are recorded in the next two 
chapters. 


CHAPTER VIII 
DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGION 


THE NEXT FEW YEARS OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 


Homo in sacerdotio diligentissimus. 
— Cicrero, Oratio pro Rab. Perd. 10. 27. 


Intropuction — Recorp oF A NoTrwortHy CONVERSION — TRADITION OF 
ZoROASTER’S Heatinc A Brinn Man— QUESTION OF ZOROASTER’S SCIEN- 
TIFIC KNOWLEDGE —OTHER ITEMS OF INTEREST, INCIDENTS, AND EVENTS 
—TuHeE Sacrep Frres— ConcLusion 


Introduction. — Zoroaster’s life was a long one and his min- 
istry covered a number of years; yet tradition does not give us 
all the details which we might wish so as to be able more defi- 
nitely to mark off into periods or epochs the fifteen years or 
more that intervened between Vishtaspa’s conversion and the 
beginning of the Holy Wars that were waged against Arejat- 
aspa. In other words, we are not altogether clear in dividing 
up and distributing the events that seem to have happened, 
roughly speaking, between Zoroaster’s forty-fifth year and the 
sixtieth year of his life. We certainly know they must have 
been active years, the years of a man of vigorous mind who 
has just passed his prime, and no doubt some of the events 
which have been described in the preceding chapter may 
belong to this time, or even possibly later. The foregoing 
chapter, in fact, perhaps leaves an impression of too great pre- 
cision in the distribution of its incidents. We may therefore 
take it with some latitude in connection with the present. If 
an attempted distinction is to be drawn, as the latter chapter dealt 
mainly with promulgation and conversion, this one may deal 

93 


94 DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGION 


rather with the ministration and organization, with missionary 
labors and the exercise of priestly functions. It must be kept 
in mind, however, that trying to locate in it the events which 
may have occurred at this time is a task that is difficult to per- 
form with much satisfaction, and the work may be regarded 
rather as tentative, and as an endeavor to use material which 
remains at hand. 

Record of a Noteworthy Conversion. — One event, however, 
is definitely located for us by tradition as belonging to a spe- 
cific year in this period. 





The circumstance must have been 
regarded as one of real importance, owing to its being so 
emphatically chronicled; we shall therefore notice it at once. 
It is the conversion of a heretic, a Kavig or ungodly priest, 
who is won over to the true Faith. This is recorded in the 
Selections of Zat-sparam, which say: ‘In the twentieth year 
(of the Religion) the Kavig who is son of Kitndah is attracted 
(to the Faith).’! Although the name is not definitely known, 
the incident is none the less sure; and if we accept the tradi- 
tional date of ‘the twentieth year’ of the Religion, we may set 
down this event for B.c. 611,2 at which time Zoroaster would 
have been in the fiftieth year of his age. All this makes the 
incident not without interest. 

Tradition of Zoroaster’s healing a Blind Man. — In connec- 
tion with Zoroaster’s ministry and possibly as a reminiscence 
of a missionary journey, or work in that field, unless we are to 
refer it to an earlier period of his career, we may make men- 
tion here of a legendary story of his healing a blind man. 
The story is told by Shahrastini of Khorassan (A.D. 1086— 
1153) who locates the scene rather in Persia Proper. The 


1 Zsp. 28. 8, West, SBE. xlvii. 165. 
The reading of the proper name from 
the Pahlavi is not certain. West’s 


xlvii. Introd. § 55, and Appendix III. 
below. 
3 My attention was first drawn to 


note on the passage offers ‘ Kinih’ as 
a possibility. 

2 According to the Bindahishn chro- 
nology worked out by West, SBE. 


this story by a letter from Prof. G. F. 
Moore, Andover, Mass., dated June 
23, 1892. 


SOME ACTS OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 95 


account runs as follows: ‘As he G.e. Zardusht) was passing a | 
blind man in Dinawar,! he told them to take a plant, which he 
described, and to drop the juice of it into the man’s eyes, and he 
would be able to see; they did this and the blind man was restored 
to sight.’2. Even if this incident should belong to an earlier 
period of Zoroaster’s life, or to the time of his wandering, it 
nevertheless serves to show a tradition that miraculous healing 
power was believed to be exercised both by Zoroaster and by 
virtue of the Faith itself. The latter point might find 
sufficient exemplification in the Avestan Vendidad. 

Question of Zoroaster’s Scientific Knowledge. — The tradi- 
tion which has just been recounted of the healing of the blind 
man brings up another point which requires note. This is the 
question of Zoroaster’s scientific knowledge, which is a side of 
his character that is distinctly recognized by tradition, and 
which must have come into play in his ministry. There is evi- 
dence that he showed a practical bent of mind in his work as 
well as the theoretical and speculative turn in his teaching. 
All accounts of the Religion indicate that the necessity of minis- 
tering to the wants of the body, as well as to the needs of the 
soul, was fully comprehended. Nor is medical knowledge 
to-day regarded as unessential or to be dispensed with in some 
branches of foreign missionary work. The records of antiquity | 
imply that the Zoroastrian books, by their encyclopediac 
character, stood for many sides of life. Some of the original 
Nasks of the Avesta are reported to have been wholly sci- 
entific in their contents, and the Greeks even speak of books 
purported to be by Zoroaster on physics, the stars, and precious 
stones.2 It is true these need not have come from Zoroaster at 


1 This village is located by Yakiit, scientifique en Perse; Paris, 1894-97, 
twenty farsangs from Hamadan ; itlies especially tome iv. p. 290. 


between this and Kirmanshah. See 2 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
Barbier de Meynard, Dictionnaire de  p. 50. 
la Perse, p. 251, p. 367 (Shiz), 515 3 See p. 8 above, and Appendix V. 


(Mah-Dinar) ; and for a description below, under Suidas and Pliny. 
of the place see de Morgan Mission 


96 DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGION 


all; but this represents a phase of life that Zoroaster or his 
apostles stood for. Tradition recognizes the presence of this 
practical element in the Religion which made it appeal to 
many who might not otherwise have been attracted, and which 
must have contributed in no small degree to its spread. The 
priests were the real conservators of knowledge and learning. 

As an illustration of their practical knowledge, so serviceable 
to mankind, we may notice a passage in the Dinkart, which 
claims that the debt owed to Zoroaster in this respect is 
extensive. The text reads: ‘One marvel is the disclosure by 
Zaratisht, in complete beneficence, medical knowledge, ac- 
quaintance with character, and other professional retentiveness, 
secretly and completely, of what is necessary for legal knowl- 
edge and spiritual perception ; also, the indication by revelation, 
of the rites for driving out pestilence, overpowering the demon 
and witch, and disabling sorcery and witchcraft. The curing 
of disease, the counteraction of wolves and noxious creatures, 
the liberation of rain.’! This and a number of ordinary prac- 
tices, which have a bearing upon every-day life, are included in 
this list of what the Pahlavi text calls ‘worldly wisdom’ 
(gehand-xiratoth), as contrasted with ‘angelic wisdom’ or ‘divine 
knowledge’ (yazddné-xiratoth).2. The brief résumé sums up 
what was expected to be found in the repertory of the wandering 
Athravan, or descendant of the Prophet, at least in Sassanian 
times, and quite as likely it represents some of the sides of 
Zoroaster’s own activity during the long period of his 
ministry. 

Other Items of Interest, Incidents, and Events. — Tradition 
has preserved a few more items of interest, incidents, or occur- 
rences and events which may belong to the period of these 
years. A suggestion has been made that Zoroaster may have 
visited his own home in his native land of Adarbaijan. Anque- 
til even thought that Urumiah is mentioned in the Avesta in 


1 Dk. 7. 5. 8-9, translated by West. 2 See West’s note in SBEZ. xlvii. 76. 
SBE. xlvii. 75-76. 


VARIOUS INCIDENTS AND EVENTS 97 


an injunction given by Ahura Mazda bidding Zarathushtra, as 
he conceived it, to proceed to a certain place. But this is a 
mistaken interpretation of the passage.! Anquetil also under- 
stood that Zoroaster and Vishtisp were together in Istakhr 
(Persepolis). This view is apparently based upon the fact 
that Zoroaster induces Vishtasp to transfer one of the sacred 
fires from Khorasmia to Darabjard, in Persia, as stated by Masiidi,? 
and based upon Tabari (and Bundari after him) who describes 
how the Avesta was written down in golden letters upon the 
hides of twelve thousand oxen and ‘ Vishtasp placed this at 
Istakhr in a place called Darbisht (or Zarbisht ?).’4 This may 
be noticed also in connection with the tradition of Jamasp’s 
writing down the Avesta from Zoroaster’s teachings (p. 76), 
and is also brought up in connection with the tradition that 
the archetype copy of the Avesta was deposited in the 
‘treasury of Shapigan’ (or however we are to read the name 
and its variants) as discussed below in Appendix IV. 


During this period we can likewise imagine Zoroaster as , 


otherwise much engaged in organizing the new religion, in 
founding fire-temples as described below, and in exercising in 
various ways his function as Chief Priest; not the least of these 
perhaps was in establishing the rite of ordeal as already noticed, 
or in celebrating the event of Vishtasp’s conversion by planting 
the cypress of Kishmar, before described. There were also 
times when prophetic visions were granted and hallowed enun- 
ciations were made. The Pahlavi Bahman Yasht (and after it 
the Zartusht Namah) records a favored vision which was allowed 
to Zoroaster, in which he foresees, during a seven days’ trance, 
the whole future of the Religion. Even the Apocryphal New) 
Testament in one passage claims that Zoroaster prophesied the 


1 Anquetil du Perron, i. Pt. 2, p. 3 Masiidi, trad. Barbier de Meynard, 
52, n. 1. The misinterpretation of iv. 75. 
the words Airyama Ishya is repeated * Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
by Kleuker, ZA. Theil 3, p. 35. p. 37 ; Hyde, Hist. Relig. p. 315 (1 ed.). 
2 Anquetil du Perron, op. cit. p. 53 5 Bahman Yt. 2. 6-9, seq., tr. by 
= Kleuker, ZA. Theil 3, p. 35. West, SBE. v. pp. 191-235. 


H 


95 DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGION 


coming of Christ;! and a Syriac writer, Solomon of Hilat 
(A.D. 1250) tells a tradition of a special fountain of water, 
called Glésha of Horin, where the royal bath was erected and 
by the side of this fountain Zoroaster predicted to his disciples 
the coming of the Messiah. 

~ The Sacred Fires. — There can be little doubt that much of 
Zoroaster’s time was spent in the care of the sacred fire or in 
the furthering of the special cult throughout the land. Tradition 
counts that one of the most important features of Vishtaspa’s 
conversion was his active agency in founding new places in 
which the holy flame might be worshipped or in reéstablish- 
In a special (prose) chapter, the Avesta 
describes the various sacred fires recognized by the Faith, and 
the Bindahishn gives additional details on the subject ;? Fir- 
dausi mentions several so-called Fire-Temples,* and Masudi, 


ing old Atash-gihs. 


among other Mohammedan writers, devotes a number of pages 
to the subject of the Magian pyraea, several of which he says 
existed before Zoroaster came. Numerous Arabic writers 
refer to the question, and as their references are accessible, 
they need only be summarized here 

Masudi and Shahrastani tell of some ten different Pyraea 
or places of fire-worship which existed in Iran before Zoro- 
aster’s time, and they give the name or location of each. Zoro- 
aster himself causes a new temple to be built in Nishapiir, and 


another in Nisaea.? Furthermore, at his request King Vishtasp 


1 Apocr. NT. I. Infancy, ch. iii. 1. 5 Masidi, Les Prairies d’ Or. ‘Texte 


2 See Gottheil, References to Zoro- 
aster, p.29; Kuhn, Hine Zoroastrische 
Prophezeiung, p. 219 in Festgruss an 
Roth, Stuttgart, 1893; and Wallis 
Budge, Book of the Bee, p. 81 seq. in 
Anec. Oxon., Oxford, 1886. Of course 
compare Yt. 19. 89-95; Dk. 7. 8. 55. 

8 Avesta, Ys. 17. 11; cf. also Vd. 8. 
73-96 ; Pahl. Bd.17.1-9. See especially 
Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 149-157. 

4 E.g. ShN. Mohl, iv. 291, 364, ete. 


et Trad. par C. Barbier de Meynard, 
iv. 72, 75 seq. ; and see Shahrastani, 
UVebersetzt, Haarbriicker, i. 275 seq. 

6 On the fires, see especially the 
material in Gottheil, References to Zo- 
roaster, pp. 45-47 ; Hyde Relig. Pers. 
p. 3538-362. 

7 Mastdi, Prairies, iv. 75; Shahras- 
tani, i. 276; ef. Gottheil, References to 
Zoroaster, pp. 45, 47. 


a 


THE SACRED FIRES 99 


seeks for the fire of Jemshéd, which is found in Khorasmia, and 
he has it transferred to Darabjard in Persia. This latter fire 
is said to be especially venerated by the Magi. Other Pyraea 
are mentioned in Seistain, Rim (Constantinople), Bagdad, Greece 
(without the fire), India, and in China. Not without interest 
is the mention of the fire-temple in Kiimis (Comisene) which 
bore the name of ‘Jarir,’ apparently after Vishtasp’s son Zarir.1 

Among all the fires there seem to be three which stand, in 
later times of the Sassanians, as the threefold representative of 
the sacred element, corresponding to the social division of the 
community into three classes, priests, warriors, and laboring 
men.?_ The names of the three great fires are given as fol- 


i ilows : — 


1. Atair Farnbag, the fire of the priests. This fire, 
whose name appears as Farnbag, Froba, Khurrad, Khordad, 
being a corruption of * Hvarend-bagha or * Hvarend-data, i.e. 
‘the fire of the Glory Divine, or the fire Glory-Given,’ is one 
of the most ancient and most sacred of the holy fires in Iran.3 
Existing as early as Yima’s reign, and having been established 
in the Khorasmian land or the eastern shore of the Caspian 
Sea, it was removed by Kavi Vishtaspa to Cabul, if we are to 
accept the commonly received statements on the subject.4 


1So Shasrastani, i. 275, but seem- 
ingly a different reading or form of 
the name (i.e. Djerich) is found in 
Masidi, iv. 74. See also Gottheil, Ref- 
erences to Zoroaster, pp. 45, 46. 

biel oo, ands, 17 1. Cr 
Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 149 seq., and 
Masidi, loc. cit. 

8Cf. Arda Viradf, tr. Haug and 
West, p. 146, note ; and Bd. 17. 5-6. 

4So Bd. 17. 5-6 if we read the 
Pahlavi name as ‘ Kabul’ with West 
(SBE. vy. 63) ; otherwise we may un- 
derstand it was removed, not eastward, 
but to the west, if we follow Darmes- 
teter, Le ZA. i. 154, in doubting the 


reading ‘ Kavul (Kabul) ’ which West, 
however, gives (SBE. v. 63). Dar- 
mesteter follows Mastdi, Shahrastani, 
and Yakut ; similarly, Ibn al-Fakih al- 
Hamadhani (a.p. 910); Albirini (p. 
215, tr. Sachan) — all cited by Gottheil, 
References to Zoroaster, pp. 43-47. 
The subject is also discussed below in 
connection with the scene of Zoro- 
aster’s ministry, Appendix IV., p. 217. 
It is evident that Shahrastani’s Aza- 
ru’a is for Adaran shah, ‘king of 
fires,’ Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 157, 
Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
p. 47. 


100 DEVELOPMENT OF THE RELIGION 


2. Atir Gishnasp (Gishasp), the fire of the warriors. 
The name Giishnasp is probably a corruption from * Varshan- 
aspa, ‘male-horse,’ cf. Skt. vrsan-as‘vd, an epithet of Agni, as 
noted by Darmesteter. This was a very ancient fire and it 
early played a part when Kai Khiisrav exterminated idol-wor- 
ship. It was situated in the neighborhood of Lake Urumiah, 
or on Mount Asnavand upon the shores of that lake.t_ Accord- 
ing to the Zaratusht Namah, this was one of the fires which 
came with the Archangels to aid in Vishtispa’s conversion as 
described in Chap. V., p. 65, n. 1. 

3. Attir Birzhin Mitro, the representative of the labor- 
ing class. The name, also in Persian, Burzin Mihr, corre- 
sponds to *Berezant Mithra.? This third fire, or the special 
fire of the laborer, played an important part in Vishtaspa’s con- 
version. This is located on Mount Raévant in Khorassan in the | 
vicinity of Lake Sovar (mentioned in the Bundahishn), in the 
region of Tiis, as noticed also below in Appendix IV., p. 216.° 
A similar situation is given to it by Firdausi.* Perhaps there 
is an echo of the name of this fire lingering in the name of the 
small town Mihr to the west of Nishapir, although for a fuller 
statement of Houtum-Schindler’s view, reference is made to 
p- 216. Several of the Mohammedan writers, as noticed above, 
state that the special fire of Zoroaster was in the neighborhood 
of Nishapir. We recall that Khorassain was the land of the 
planting of the cypress of Kishmar, and the scene of the clos- 
ing battles which ended the Holy War — all of which is of inter- 
est in connection with the field of Zoroaster’s ministry. 

Conclusion. — The aim of this chapter has been to present 
such material as we can gather for the events of Zoroaster’s 
life during the years next preceding the outbreak of the Holy 


1 Bd.17.7; Zsp. 6.22; West, SBE. v. 38, 41, 178. See likewise Anquetil 


vy. 63, 173. See also p. 48 above. du Perron, ZA. i. Pt. 2, p. 46, n. 2 
2Cf. Av. Midram ... barazantam, (on Khorassan). 
Yt. 10. 7. 4Cf. ShN. iii. 1499, Vullers-Lan- 


8 Bd. 12. 18. 32-35; Zsp. 6.22; cf. dauer = trad. Mohl, iv. 291. 
also Bd. 12. 24; 22. 3; West, SBE. 


CONCLUSION 101 


Wars. In this way an impression has been gained of certain 
other sides of Zoroaster’s character and activity, especially the 
practical side which his nature probably also had. The mate- 
rial from which to judge of these points, however, is found to 
be rather meagre. Finally, special attention has also been 
devoted to the subject of the spread of the fire-cult by Zoro- 
aster and the work which was accomplished in founding new 
Atash-gahs or in reéstablishing the old Pyraea. But all these 
events did not come to pass without a struggle; nor were the 
actual results achieved without a hard fight. If the Faith 
which Vishtaspa has adopted is to become the state creed of 
the realm, this is not destined to come to pass without a 
struggle, especially with powers outside. Warfare is insep- 
arable from crusading; and we see gathered in the horizon the 
clouds of the storm about to burst over Iran. 


CHAPTER IX 
THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM 


THE LAST TWENTY YEARS OF ZOROASTER’S LIFE 


‘Fight the good fight of faith.’ 
— Timortuy I. 6. 12. 


IntrRopucTION — REeLicgious WARFARE IN THE AVESTA — AREJAT-ASPA, OR 
ArgJASe AND THE Hoty Wars—OvuTBREAK OF HosTILities; CAUSES AND 
Dates — ArgAsp’s Untimatum — His First Invasion; tHE Hoty War 
BEGINS — ArJASP’s ARMY AND ITS LEADERS — VISHTASP’S ARMY AND ITS 
CoMMANDERS— BaTTLes OF THE First WArR—lIsFENDIAR AS CRUSADER, 
AND THE FoLtLowinc Events — ArvAsr’s Seconp Invasion; THE Last 
Hoty War — SUMMARY 


Introduction.— Up to this point it might appear as if the 
progress of the Religion had been one only of success and 
smooth advance. Such, however, cannot have been the case in 
reality. We have to do with a church militant, and there is 
evidence, in its history, of more than one hard-fought battle 
before victory is achieved. Not all conversions were easily 
made. The sword rather than the olive-branch would be the 
more suitable emblem to deck the earlier pages of the history 
of the Faith. 

Owing to circumstances the development of the idea of uni- 
versal peace and of general good-will towards neighbors was 
not allowed to play so important a part as it might have 
played theoretically in the first stages of the new Religion. 
When crusading for the Faith began, bitter struggles and 
antipathies soon came into existence. The war-cry of creed 
versus unbelief begins to fill the air. Old political and 

102 


RELIGIOUS WARS IN THE AVESTA 103 


national feuds take on a new color—the tinge of religious 
antagonism. ‘This latter statement is especially true of the 
ancient enmity between Ivan and Turan. This breaks out | 
afresh in the form of a war of creeds between the Hyaonian 
leader Arejat-aspa, as he is called in the Avesta, or Arjasp of 
Turan, as he is later generally styled, and the pious hero of 
Zoroastrianism, Kavi Vishtaspa (Vishtasp, Gushtasp). Vic- 
tory ultimately attends upon the Creed of the Fire and the 
Sacred Girdle, but the stages of progress have to be fought 
step by step. Bloodshed and distress precede success and 
triumph. 

Religious Wars in the Avesta. — Before turning to the great 
Holy Wars against Arejat-aspa, we must first notice that the 
Avesta also records several other violent conflicts which are 
looked upon in the light of hallowed warfare against unbelief. 
The Avesta mentions some eight powerful foes over whom 
Vishtaspa, or his gallant brother Zairivairi (Zarir) invoke 
divine aid in battle, and victory descends upon their banners in 
answer to their prayers. We know at least the names of these 
vanquished warriors, for they are given in the Yashts. We 
read of Tathryavant and Peshana,! Ashta-aurvant, son of Vispa- 
thauryo-ashti,?, Darshinika and Spinjaurusha? and of Pesho- 
cingha and Humayaka.* All are spoken of as infidels, heathen, 
heretics, or unbelievers. The details of the battles against 
them are unfortunately lost. In point of time some of these 
occurred in the period of conversions already described. 
From the claims of the sacred text we know that victory 
waited upon the faithful. ) 

Arejat-aspa (Arjasp) and the Holy Wars. — The inveterate 
foe and mortal enemy of Vishtaspa, however, is Arejat-aspa 
(Azjasp), or the infidel Turk, as later history would have 
styled him. He stands as the great opponent of the national 
Faith, and we are fortunate in having considerable traditional 


Et, 5.1095 Yt. 19.87 * ef.) Yt. 9. 31. 3 Yt. 9. 80-81. 
2So Darmesteter, Le ZA. ii. 439. 4Yt. 5. 118. 


104 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM 


information preserved regarding these wars with him. They 
are of paramount importance in the history of Zoroaster and 
his Creed, and they require fuller discussion. Details of the 
campaigns may be gathered from the Avesta, the Pahlavi writ- 
ings, the Shah Namah, and from some allusions in Arab chroni- 
clers. The account given in the Shah Namah dates from the 
tenth century of our era, and it is partly by the hand of Fir- 
dausi’s predecessor, Dakiki, as Firdausi himself expressly states 
when he describes the thousand lines which he had received 
from Dakiki in a dream—the thousand lines relating to Zo- 
roaster and Gushtasp and the founding of the Faith... The 
principal references are here collected and presented for 


convenience.” 


The warfare against Arejat-aspa is known in the Pahlavi 


writings as ‘the war of the religion.’® 


In the Avestan and 


Pahlavi texts Arejat-aspa (Arjasp) is the leader of the hostile 


folk known as Hyaonians (Av. H’yaona, Phl. Khyon). 


This 


nation has rightly or wrongly been identified with the Chionitae 


of the classics. 
Appendix IV. 


1 See p. 5, n. 2; also see Mohl, trad. 
iv. 286-357, and consult Noldeke in 
Grundriss der iran. Phitlol. ii. 148-150. 

2 References to Arejat-aspa and the 
Holy Wars: Avesta, Yt. 5. 109, 113- 
As Vito) Sts) Wt. 9) 29=31 — Vey. 
49-51. — Pahlavi, Dk. 7. 4. 77, 83, 
84, 87-89; 7. 5. 7; 5. 2. 12 (mote by 
West) ; 5. 3. 1 (West, p. 126) ; 8. 11. 
4: 9. 61. 12; 4. 21 (West, SBE. 
Xxxvil. 412); Bd. 12. 32-34; Byt. 3. 
9 (and 2. 49, note by West) ; Zsp. 23. 
8 (all these references are cited ac- 
cording to West’s translations in the 
Sacred Books) ; furthermore, the Pah- 
lavi Yatkar-i Zariran (which is con- 
stantly cited from the very useful 
contribution of Geiger, Das Yatkar-i 
Zarwan und sein Verhdltnis zum 


This subject is more fully discussed below in 
In any event Arejat-aspa stands for the head 


Sah-Name, in Sb. d. k. bayer. Akad. 
der Wiss. 1890, Bd. ii. pp. 43-84. — 
Firdausi, Shah Namah, ed. Vullers- 
Landauer, vol. iii. p. 1495 seq. ; ci- 
tations also made after the French 
translation by Mohl, Le Livre des 
Rois, iv. 2983 seq. (Paris, 1877) ; cf. 
likewise the paraphase by J. Atkinson, 
Shah Namah, translated and abridged, 
London and New York, 1886 ; further- 
more, Vullers, Fragmente iiber Zoroas- 
ter, Bonn, 1831. Pizzi’s translation 
was not accessible. — Arabic Writ- 
ers, Tabari, extract quoted by Ndl- 
deke, Persische Studien, ii. 6-7, and 
by Gottheil, References to Zoroaster ; 
finally, Mirkhond, History of Persia, 
tr. by Shea, pp. 288-295, 313-326. 

8 E.g. Bd. 12. 33. 


- 


AREJAT-ASPA THE FOE TO THE FAITH 105 


of the chief inimical power among the heathen ; the Shah Namah 
regards him as the head of Turan, Turkestan, China. 

We have evidence of two distinct invasions by Arjasp’s 
forces, although the Avesta does not make clear the fact that 
there were two wars. The Pahlavi texts are not so explicit on 
the subject as are the Shah Namah and some works, but the 
traditional dates which cover a period of seventeen years, as 
given by the Pahlavi writings, allow the inference of the two 
wars or two invasions. Both these religious conflicts result 
in victory for Iran; yet not without severest loss for a time. 
In the first war, Vishtaspa’s brother Zairivairi (Zarér, Zarir) 
and the latter’s son Bastavairi (Bastvar, so read for Nastur)? 
are the heroes of the fight ; in the second war, Vishtaspa’s son 
Isfendiar, by his deeds of marvellous prowess, eclipses even 
the glory of these two heroic combatants. It seems appro- 
priate to give some description of these wars and some dis- 
cussion of the subject because of its bearing upon the early 
history of Zoroastrianism. The sources have already been 
mentioned (pp. 5, 38); truly to appreciate the subject one 
ought to read the accounts of tradition, or of fiction as some 
may prefer to call it, in the Yatkar-i Zariran and in the Shah 
Namah, which have been oftenest drawn upon. Here there is 
space merely to give excerpts from their descriptions or to give 
an outline of their contents. 

Outbreak of Hostilities; Causes and Dates. — If we accept the 
date given by the Zoroastrian tradition, which belongs to the 
time of the Sassanidae, it was some seventeen years after Vish- 
taspa’s conversion that the war against Arejat-aspa (Arjasp) 
broke out. The Pahlavi selections of Zat-sparam state that 
‘in the thirtieth year (of the Religion) the Khydns arrive, who 
make an incursion into the countries of Iran.’? On the basis 
of traditional chronology, as worked out by Dr. E. W. West, 


1 These names belong to the Avesta, 2 Zsp. 28. 8, tr. West, SBH. xlvii. 
the Pahlavi, and the Shah Namah. 165. 


106 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM 


The Shah 


Namah likewise shows that, after the conversion of the king, 


we may place this event in the year B.c. 601.1 


some time must have elapsed before the great war began.? The 
day of the final battle of this war, it may be added, is given by 
the Yatkar-i Zariran as Farvadin.? 

As for causes, the ostensible ground for the original difficulty 
was found in Vishtasp’s refusal to continue the payment of 
tribute and revenue to Arjasp and in the latter’s consequent 
and persistent pressing of his demand. So much, at least, for 
the pretence. The actual ground for difficulty, however, seems 


to have been the religious difference ; for Vishtasp’s adoption 


of the new Faith really lies at the basis of the trouble. The 
religious question is certainly mixed up with the tribute matter. 
Perhaps one could hardly expect the two to be separated. ‘The 


affair of the tribute is recorded in the Pahlavi Dinkart as well 
as in the Shah Namah.* On the other hand, the Yatkar-i 
Zariran makes the religious issue the main one.® In the Shah 
Namah, when the question comes up, Zoroaster appears prac- 
tically in the position of a cardinal vested with regal power and 
wielding a vigorous hand in matters of state. He urges Gush- 
tasp (Vishtaspa) absolutely to refuse payment of the tax. The 
great Priest’s personal interest in the political situation and 
problem to be settled is evidently largely governed by religious 
motives ; Arjasp, it is known, had declined to accept the true 
Faith.® 
be damned. Accordingly it is the Powers of Hell itself that 
The Dinkart 


In the Prophet’s eyes, therefore, Turan is destined to 


rise up to inflame Arjasp’s fury against Iran. 


1See West, SBE. xlvii. Introd. Zaratiisht play a lesser part than 


§ 55, and Appendix III. below. 

2Cf. Shah Namah, ed. Vullers- 
Landauer, iii. 1500, candi rozgar, and 
Mohl, iv. 298, ‘quelque temps.’ Note 
also that Zoroaster is now spoken of 
as ‘old’ (pir) ; according to tradition 
he would have been sixty at the time. 
The Yatkar hardly implies the lapse 
of so long an interval, and it makes 


Jamasp who seems rather to be the 
religious adviser of the king. 

8 YZ. § 85 (Geiger). 

4Dk. 7. 4. 77, West, SBE. xlvii. 
68; SBN. tr. Mohl, iv. 298. 

5 YZ. § 1 seq. 

6 ShN. Mohl, iv. pp. 289, 294; YZ. 
§ 1 seq. 


ARJASP’S ULTIMATUM 107 


believes that no less a personage than Aéshma, the Arch- 
demon of Wrath, conveyed clandestinely to Arjasp the tidings 
of Vishtasp’s fixed and unswerving refusal. The statement 
tells the whole story: ‘ When Vishtasp, accepting the religion, 
praises righteousness, the demons in hell are disabled ; and the 
demon Aéshm (Ay. Aéshma) rushes to the country of the 
Khyons and to Arjasp, the deadly one of the Khyons, because 
he was the mightiest of tyrants at that time; and the most 
hideous of all, of so many of them in the country of the Khyons, 
are poured out by him for war.’? 

Arjasp’s Ultimatum. — Arjasp forthwith makes a formal de- 
mand in writing and states the conditions upon which alone 
he will remain at peace; and he adds an ultimatum to the 
effect that Gushtasp (Vishtaspa) must abandon the new creed 
or be prepared to have the country of Iran invaded within two 
months.2 The authority for these statements is to be found in 
the Yatkar and in the Shah Namah; the details of the mes- 
sages, whether fictitious or actual, are preserved in their pur- 
port and intention, at least, in these same works. The names 
of the two messengers whom Arjasp despatches to convey 
this decisive letter have been preserved as Vidrafsh and 
Namkhvast of the Hazars.? The problem of the location of 
Arejat-aspa’s kingdom and of the Hyaonians of the Avesta has 
already been alluded to and it is more fully discussed below in 
Appendix IV. Here we shall only note that the Shah Namah 
locates the Turanians on the other side of the Oxus and makes 
Arjasp despatch his envoys from the city of Khallakh or Khal- 
lukh to Vishtaésp in Balkh. Although Zoroaster was the chief 


1Dk. 7. 4. 87, tr. West, SBE. Shah Namah, Mohl, iv. 298, and Yat- 
xivil72) and see Dk. 8. 11,4, ‘the kar, § 12. 
demon of wrath.’ Compare also the 3 YZ. § 2 (Geiger, p. 47), SHN. 
mention of ‘wrath’ in Byt. 3.9. West, Mohl, iv. p. 800. See also Dk. 7. 4. 
SBE. vy. 218. The Shah Nimah has 77, ‘the deputed envoys of Arjasp 
narrah Dwi, ShN. iii. 1500, ed. Vul- ... whodemand tribute and revenue’; 
lers-Landauer; cf. Mohl, iv. 293. sak va-baz6 (West, SBE. xvii. 68). 

2On the time ‘two months’ see 4 See p. 123 seq. 


108 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM 


instigator of the trouble between the two rulers,! it is not 
unnatural, perhaps, that we find Jamasp assuming the chief 
role as counsellor, for he was prime minister, chancellor, and 
grand vizir.2 On the receipt of the arrogant message, Vish- 
tasp’s warlike brother Zarir (Av. Zairivairi, Phl., Mod. P. 
Zarér, Zarir) at once steps forward and boldly hurls defiance 
in the face of Arjasp’s messengers ; he endites in response a 
stern letter, to which the king gives approval, and he hands it 
to the envoys to deliver on their return. War is forthwith 
declared. 

First Invasion of Arjasp, and the Holy War.— The Dinkart 
states that the missing Vishtasp-sasto Nask of the Avesta con- 
tained an account of ‘the outpouring of Arjasp the Khyon, by 
the demon of Wrath, for war with Vishtasp and disturbance of 
Zaratusht; the arrangements and movements of King Vishtasp 
for that war, and whatever is on the same subject.’* This 
brief but clear outline makes us regret the more keenly the 
loss of so interesting a book of the Avesta. But doubtless con- 
siderable of the material has actually been preserved, as in 
other cases, in the Pahlavi and later Persian literature ; and this 
fact lends more weight to the statements of the Pahlavi Yat- 
kar-i Zariran and of the Shah Namah as being actually based 
on old foundations and therefore worthy of real consideration. 
This should be kept in mind in the following pages and in the 
descriptions which they present. 

The Yatkar-i Zariran and the Shah Namah both give vivid 
pictures, with imaginative coloring, of the marshalling of the 
forces and the numbers of the opposing hosts. As is common 
even in modern historical records, the estimates of the number 
of men actually under arms differ considerably. For Arjasp’s 


1Dk. 8. 11. 4, ‘the outpouring of 3 YZ. §§ 10-18 (Geiger, pp. 49-50) ; 
Arjasp the Khyén, by the demon of ShN. Mohl, iv. 301-808. 
wrath, for war with Vishtasp and 4 Dk, 8, 11. 4, West, SBE. xxxvii. 
disturbance of Zarattsht.’ 24, 


2YZ. § 3 (Geiger, p. 48); ShN. 
Mohl, iv. pp. 800-317. 


ARJASP’S ARMY AND ITS LEADERS 109 


army one section of the Yatkar gives the number as 181,000 
men.' The Shah Namah is not so explicit, but puts the 
forces of the two wings of Arjasp’s host, and of the reserve, 
at 300,000, without including the main body of the army.? 
On the other side Vishtasp’s army is actually estimated by 
the Yatkar at 144,000 men,’ although it once speaks as if the 
number were innumerable ;* whereas in the Shah Namah the 
strength is merely stated in a vague way as 1000 x 1000.5 

Arjasp’s Army and its Leaders. — The tradition upon which 
Firdausi, or rather Dakiki, based his poetic chronicle is consis- 
tent throughout with respect to making the city of Khallakh 
the place from which Arjasp set out upon his campaign. 
Again we miss the lost Vishtasp-sistd Nask of the Avesta 
alluded to above! The poet is even able to give the order in 
which Arjasp arranged his troops for the invading march. 
This differs considerably from the actual plan of marshalling 
his forces and commanders when in battle array; but even a 
poet would recognize the likelihood of changes and alterations 
according to the exigencies of the campaign and _ situation. 
On the march the troops were disposed of in the order given 
in the diagram on page 110.6 

The advance guard is entrusted to Khashash. The two 
wings are assigned respectively to Arjasp’s own brothers Kuh- 
ram and Andariman (cf. Av. Vandaremaini) with three hun- 
dred thousand picked men. The chief in command is given to 
Gurgsar, while the flag is entrusted to Bidrafsh. Arjasp him- 
self occupies the centre for safety and convenience; and Hish- 
div brings up the rear. 

As already noted, the above line of march, however, differs 


1YZ. § 46, but a few lines farther 2 SHN. Mohl, iv. pp. 306, 319. 


on (§ 50) the number is mentioned as 3 YZ. § 49. 

12,000,000 (probably a mistake in a 4 YZ. § 16. 

figure). The prose Shah Namah Nasr 5 ShN. Mohl, iy. 308. 

mentions Arjasp’s conscription as 6 See ShN. Mohl, iv. 306 (line of 


‘15,000 men’ ; cf. Hyde, Hist. Relig. march), opposed to iv. 319 (order of 
p. 826 (1 ed.). battle). 


110 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM 


ARJASP’S ORDER OF MARCH 


(According to the Shah Namah) } 


Khashash 
(with advance guard) 


j Bidrafsh : Gurgsar 
(with banner) (chief in command) 
,. 
a z 
Ay 

a |s B Sis 

ANS fs Ae 

3 (8 5 S| 3 

r=| a <q Ss Se} 

<q 


a 


Hishdiv 
(with rear guard) 


1 See preceding note ; and, on the proper names, see Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, 
as follows: Xasas, p. 171; Gurgsar, p. 122; Bidrafs (Widrafs), p. 368; Anda- 
riman (Wardaremainis), p. 347; Kuhram, p. 166; Husdiw (Hoisdew), p. 1381; 
Arjasp, p. 21. 


ARJASP’S ARRAY ON THE BATTLEFIELD 111 


from the arrangement of the forces in action on the field of 
battle. According to the picturesque account which is given 
in the Shah Namah, we can imagine Arjasp’s forces drawn up 
in battle array in the manner indicated below. From the 
descriptions of the engagement it is evident that in Oriental 
fights, as often elsewhere, single deeds of great daring by brill- 
iant leaders gain the day rather than combined efforts and the 
manceuvring of massed troops. We may conceive of the fort- 
unes of the battle as guided by Ormazd and by Ahriman. 
The description in the Shah Namah may indeed be poetic or 
journalistic, but it is worth reading, and the array of the 
enemy appeared as follows: !— 


ARJASP’S ARRAY ON THE BATTLEFIELD 
(According to the Shah Namah)? . 


Bidrafsh Gurgsar 


100,000 Arjasp with Namkhvast 3 100,000 


Chosen troops 





Reserve 


100,000 


~ Kuhram 
(with rear guard) 


we 


Bidrafsh and Gurgsar are given charge of the two wings 
with 100,000 men each. Namkhvast with picked troops has 


1 See Mohl, iv. p. 8319 (and contrast 122; Bidraf* (Widrays), p. 368; Na- 


with iv. p. 306). mavast, p. 220; Kuhram, p. 166; 
2See preceding note; and, for the  Arjasp, p. 21. 
proper names, compare Justi, Jran. 3 Cf. ShN. Mohl, iv. 318, 319. 


Namenbuch, as follows: Gurgsar, p. 


112 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM 


the centre where Arjasp himself is stationed.1. The reserve of 
100,000 men is disposed in such a way as to support all the 
divisions. This time Kuhram? guards the rear, whereas Htshdiy 
had held that position on the invading march. Among Arjasp’s 
leaders only two are really known to fame in the conflict: these 
are Namkhvast and Bidrafsh.® 

Vishtasp’s Army and its Leaders. —The strength of Vish- 
taspa’s forces has already been mentioned. The three prin- 
cipal heroes who win renown on the Iranian side are, first, 
Vishtasp’s intrepid brother, the valiant Zarir (Av. Zairivairi, 
YZ. Zarér, ShN. Zarir);* second, the latter’s son Bastvar (Av. 
Bastavairi, YZ. Bastvar, ShN. Nastiir);° and third, Vishtaspa’s 
own glorious son Isfendiar (Av. Spento-data, YZ. ShN. Isfen- 
diar).6 In the Yatkar, mention is likewise made of another of 
Vishtaspa’s brothers, named Pat-khusrav,' and also of a favor- 
ite son of Vishtasp whose name apparently is Frashokart or 
Frashavart.8 The Shah Namah furthermore mentions Arda- 
shir, who is a son of Vishtaspa, Shérd or (according to Mohl) 


1 ShN. Mohl, iv, 318, 319. In YZ. 
§ 50, Arjasp, like Vishtasp, has his 
place of observation upon a hill to 
direct the battle. 

2The name of Arjasp’s brother, 
Kuhram or Guhram, appears as Gd- 
hormuz in Tabari; see Noldeke, Per- 
sische Studien, ii. 7, 8; Justi Iran. 
Namenbuch, p. 112. If Kuhram ac- 
cepted Shédasp’s challenge (SHN. 
Mohl, iv. pp. 321, 322), he must have 
come forward from the rear. 

8 YZ. §§ 29-80, and § 54seq. ; SN. 
Mohl, iv. 319, 328, 327. 

4Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 
882. 

5 Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 65. 

6Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 
308. 

7 YZ. §§ 29, 37; he is apparently 
not named in the Avesta; cf. Geiger, 
Yatkar-1 Zariran, p. 77. For his 


name, Darmesteter, Le ZA. ii. 582, 
suggested Avy. Bujasravah, Yt. 18. 101, 
but this is doubtful. 

8 YZ. § 30 (text corrupt), 39, 44. 
Asthe MS. at § 30 is corrupt (cf. 
Geiger, p. 75), one might think of Av. 
Frashikara (Yt. 18. 102), which is the 
reading of all good Avestan MSS. (not 
Frashi-karata, as Geiger, YZ. p. 75) ; 
but West (personal communication) 
thinks they are allthe same name. As 
Frash . . . falls in this battle, we must 
not (as does Darmesteter, Le ZA. ii. 
533) confuse him with Farshidvard, 
of the Shah Namah, who does not fall 
now, but is slain in the second battle. 
Possibly it might be Av. Frash-ham- 
vareta (Yt. 18. 102) if we set aside 
Darmesteter’s connection with Pers. 
Farshidvard. In any case Justi, [ran. 
Namenbuch, p. 104 should be con- 
sulted. 


ARRANGEMENT OF VISHTASP’S TROOPS FOR BATTLE. 113 


Ormazd,! Shédasp,? Garami, the son of Jamasp,? Névzar, son of 
Vishtasp,* Bashitan (i.e. Peshotanu), son of Vishtasp,® and a 
son of Isfendiar called Nish-Adar (i.e. Andsh-Adar) who is 
killed by Zavarah in the second war.® The valiant Isfendiar 
appears in all accounts of both wars. He is evidently com- 


ARRANGEMENTS OF VISHTASP’S TROOPS FOR BATTLE 
(According to. the Shah Namah)? 


(Shédasp) Isfendiar 


50,000 


Main body 


Bastvar, i.e. Nastir 
(in charge of rear) 


paratively young in the first war, and his renown as hero 
belongs rather to the second great action; but in both cam- 


1Cf. Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, p. 676 f.; cf. Nodldeke, Pers. Stud. ii. p. 


297, Mohl, iv. 321. Ds 
2Son of Vishtasp, Mohl, iv. 311, 6 SHN. Mohl, iv. pp. 338, 349 ; Justi, 

318, 321; Justi, p. 294. Iran. Namenbuch, p. 17b, 387 (Uz- 
®ShN. Mohl, iv. pp. 311, 312, 328, warak). 

and see next page. 7 See preceding note; and, on the 
4 ShHN. Mohl, iv. pp. 312, 324. proper names, see Justi, Iran Namen- 


5 ShN. Mohl, iv. 382, Justi, Iran. buch, as follows: Zairivairi, p. 382; 
Namenbuch, p. 251. Mentioned also JIJsfendiar, p. 308; Shédasp, p. 294; 
by Tabari in this connection (Tab.i. Bastavairi, p. 66. 


I 


114 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM 


paigns he is the same ideal hero, sans peur et sans reproche. 
Twenty-two other sons of the family of Vishtaspa are slain 
according to the Yatkar-i Zariran (§ 29), but this treatise does 
not seem to take account of the second holy war against 
Arjisp. The Shah Namah makes the number of Vishtasp’s 
sons that were slain to have been thirty-eight,! but this num- 
ber on the other hand seems to comprise both wars. On the 
field of battle Vishtasp’s troops, according to the Shah Namah, 
were drawn up as presented in the preceding table? We must 
regret once more that we have not the missing Vishtasp-sasto 
Nask which the Dinkart says described ‘the arrangement and 
movements of King Vishtasp for that war.’ 

Battles of the First War. — The location of the seat of war in 
the first great conflict is not wholly clear. The Shah Namah 
speaks of the Jihtn or Oxus—see Map; the Yatkar-1 Zariran 
seems to allude to Merv (also in the northeast) as the seat, but 
the text is not precise on the subject. The whole question is 
discussed below in Appendix IV., reference to which should be 
made. 

It is evident, in this first war, that there were two principal 
battles, separated by a slight interval; some of the apparent 
differences and discrepancies between the Yatkar and the Shah 
Namah are possibly to be accounted for in that way. As to the 
interval, the Shah Namah recognizes a lapse of two weeks 
(di haftah) between the first attack by Arjasp and the combat 
which resulted in Zarir’s death. As to the action, the Yatkar-i 
Zariran naturally selects those situations and incidents which 
bring its hero Zarir into the foreground. Both accounts tell 
how, on the eve of battle, the sage Jimasp in prophetic vision 
foresees all the gains and all the losses on each side ; and he fore- 
tells to the king the joys and sorrows, the temporary defeat, but 
final, conclusive, and decisive victory of the following day.* 

1 Mohl, iv. 367, 376, 386, 445. 4 YZ. §§ 28-30 ; SHN. iii. 1514-1521 ; 

2 See p. 113, and ef. Mohl, iv. 318. ef. Mohl, iv. 809-317. 


8 ShN. iii, 1527, du haftah ; cf. 
Mohl, iv. 326. 


BATTLES OF THE FIRST WAR 115 


Vishtasp beholds the fight from a neighboring elevation.! In the 
first action a number fall on the side of the Zoroastrian faith. 
Several of the names may be gathered; they are mostly sons 
of the king: Ardashir, Ormazd (or Shérd), Shédasp, Neévzar, 
Pat-khusrav, and Frashavart(?).2, Most of these are slain by 
the listful demon Namkhvast. Of all the descriptions, one of | 
the most picturesque, perhaps, is the account of the chivalrous 
deed of Jamasp’s indomitable son Garami (YZ. Garamik-kart). 
Ina moment of critical suspense he rescues the imperial banner 
by anact of heroism which is all-inspiring, and he saves the gon- 
falon, holding it between his teeth, and fights till he falls.® 

The second and decisive battle follows this first sharp engage- 
ment after a brief interval. In this action there is no question | 
that the hero is Zarir (Zarér, Zairivairi). He does not fall in’ 
open attack, but by an act of stealth at the hand of the sorcerer 
Bidrafsh, whom he had challenged to mortal combat. Zarir’s |, 
unfortunate death is gloriously avenged by his young son 
Bastvar (Nastur) and by the valiant Isfendiar. In the words 
of the Yatkar-i Zariran, as the battle opens, ‘the dashing leader 
Zarir began the fight as fiercely as when the god of Fire bursts 
into a hay-rick and is impelled onward by a blast of the storm. 
Each time as he struck his sword down, he killed ten Khyons ; 
and, as he drew it back, he slew eleven. When hungry and 
thirsty he needed only to look upon the blood of the Khyéns and 
he became refreshed.’* But treachery, as before stated, undoes 
the noble knight; he falls, pierced through the heart by a 
poisoned spear hurled from behind by the magician Vidrafsh 
(Vedrafsh, Bidrafsh) who is promised the fair hand of Arjasp’s 
daughter Zarshtan as a reward.6 The hero fallen, Vishtasp 
now turns and offers his own lovely daughter Humak (Hiumai) 


1YZ. § 49; ShN. Mohl, iv. 320. 3 YZ. § 79; ShN. iv. 328, 311-12; 
2 List made up from SNN. iii. 1523 see also Geiger, Yatkar, p. 79. 

seq. ; cf. Mohl, iv. 311, 821; and YZ. 4 YZ. § 51 (Geiger, pp. 59-60). 

§§ 29-30. Compare also Justi, Namen- 5 YZ. §§ 52-56 (after Geiger, pp. 


buch, p. 229 (Newzar), and the refer- 60-61); cf. ShN. Mohl, iv. 327, 328. 
ences given above, p. 113. See also Noldeke, Pers. Stud. ii. 3. 


116 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM 


to whosoever will avenge Zarir’s death.1_ The latter’s youthful 
son Bastvar (Nastiir), a child in years but a giant in strength 
and courage, dashes forward and, accompanied by Isfendiar, 
slays the treacherous Vidrafsh, routs the Turanian hosts, hews 
them down as he drives them before him, and with Isfendiar’s 
aid sends Arjasp defeated, humbled, mutilated, back to his own 
capital.? 

The gallant Isfendiar now grants respite to the vanquished 
Turanians, which is in keeping with the nobility of his charac- 
ter, although his soldiers, as the poet describes, were inclined 
to butcher the entire army of refugees.? The Shah Namah is 
able to give the numbers of those who fell in battle. Of Vish- 
tasp’s forces the number of the slain is estimated at 30,000 
including thirty-eight sons of the king. On Arjasp’s side the 
list of those who were killed is reckoned to be more than 
100,000. With the boldness of precision worthy of an epic 
writer who is giving details, the poet is able to add that 1163 
of this number were men of rank, beside 3200 wounded.® 
Terms of peace with religious stipulations are entered into and 
the first great victory of Zoroastrianism is achieved. 

The war over, Vishtasp marches back through his own coun- 
try of Iran to the city of Balkh, to celebrate the victory. In 
Persian fashion he is said to have given his daughter Humai to 
the intrepid Isfendiar,® and he assigns to this young hero 
Bastvar (Nastiir) an army of 100,000 picked soldiers, bidding 
him to advance toward Arjasp’s capital, Khallakh, in order to 
complete the conquest. One other son, Farshidvard,’ is made 
suzerain over Khorassan, the territory which afterwards becomes 
famous as a seat of the second holy war against Arjisp. Vish- 
tasp himself next founds a new fire-temple and makes Jamasp 


1YZ. § 57; ShN. Mohl, iv. 380,  (p. 114) which explains this number 


341. as referring to both the wars. 
2YZ. §§ 58-85 (Geiger, pp. 62-69) ; 5 ShN. Mohl, iv. 341. 

ShN. Mohl, 385-841. 6 YZ. § 57 seq. implies Bastvar ; 
3 ShN. Mohl, iv. 339. see above, p. 72, n. 1. 


4 But see the statement given above 7 SHN. Mohl, iv. 545. 


ISFENDIAR AS CRUSADER 117 


high priest over it. His final and most important act for the 
Religion is to depute the dauntless Isfendiar upon a hallowed 
mission, a great crusade to foreign lands, enjoining upon him 
to convert all peoples and nations to the Faith of Zardusht. 
When this is accomplished he promises to recompense the valiant 
crusader and dutiful son by awarding him the crown and throne 
of Iran. 

Isfendiar as Crusader, and the Following Events. — Tradition 
tells how fortune favors the gallant knight. So successful is 
his pious zeal, according to the Shah Namah, that the countries 
even of ‘Rum and Hindustiin’ are among those who despatched 
messengers to Vishtasp, requesting to have ‘the Zend-Avesta 
of Zardusht’ sent to them. Vishtasp eagerly complies with the | 
request and sends a copy of the bible to every land. An 
allusion to the Dinkart of crusading efforts in the direction of 
‘Arum and the Hindus’ in connection with the name of Spend- 
dat CIsfendiar) has already been noticed above. 

There must have been a considerable lapse of time for all 
this to transpire, and a number of the events narrated in the 
chapters on conversions and the spread of the Religion perhaps 
belong here.? The interval of peace at home was doubtless 
used to advantage ; and possibly about this time the Avesta 
was written down by Jamiasp from the teachings of Zoroaster 
as referred to in the Dinkart.? All goes well. Each effort of 
Isfendiar is divinely crowned, and at last he feels himself 
entitled by his successes to turn to his father with the expecta- 
tion of receiving the crown according to the royal promise. 
But he receives it not. A mischievous brother, Kurazm 
(Av. Kavarazem, Yt. 13. 103)* with lying lips calumniates the 
valiant hero to his father. Isfendiar is rewarded by being 

1 ShN. Mohl, iv. 344-345. Cf. pp. 76, 97. West places this event 

2The Shah Namah implies an in- about p.c. 591. See SBE. xlvii. In- 
terval of ‘some time’; see SHN. iii. trod. §55, and Appendix III. below. 
15438, Vullers-Landauer = Mohl, iv. 345, 4 ShN. Mohl, iv. 346; Justi, Zran. 


‘quelque temps.’ Namenbuch, p. 159; Darmesteter, 
8 Dk. 4. 21;5.3.4;7.5.11;8.7.1. Etudes Iran. ii. 280. 


118 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM 


thrown into chains and imprisoned upon a mountain in the 
fortress citadel of Gumbadan in Khorassan or Mount Spento- 
data of the Avesta and Buindahishn as described below in 
Appendix IV. The Shah Namah goes on to tell how King 
Vishtasp (Gushtasp) leaves Balkh shortly after this incident 
and goes for ‘two years’ to Seistan and Zabilistan to visit 
Rustam. 

It is at this point in the Shah Namah that the narrative of 
Firdausi’s predecessor Dakiki is stated to end, and the story is 
taken up by Firdausi himself. This fact may account for 
certain differences of view and manner of treatment which are 
noticeable. 

Arjasp’s Second Invasion; the Last Holy War.— The 
chronicle of the Shah Namah, as poetic history, seems to allow 
some years to elapse between the invasions of Arjasp as already 
mentioned, and the traditional Zoroastrian chronology bears 
out this fact if we combine the dates which may be gathered.” 
The state of affairs in Iran begins to assume a different aspect. 
The Turanian Arjasp, taking advantage of Isfendiar’s im- 
prisoment, reunites his forces and prepares to strike a blow of 
retaliation upon his former conqueror. Once more he invades 
Ivan and the second war begins. The tradition which Firdausi 
follows is claimed by him to be ancient. It is curious, how- 
ever, in some of its details, and it presents an odd picture of 
the management of a kingdom. Vishtasp’s absence from his 
capital seems to have left Balkh weakened or unprotected. 
Arjasp successfully storms the city; the aged Lohrasp falls in 
the fight before the city walls;% the temple of Nish-Adar is 
sacked and destroyed ; the priests are slain in the very act of 
their pious worship; the sacred fire is quenched by their 


1 On the Dakiki portion of the Shah to have occurred during the Turanian 
Namah, cf. p.5,n.2,andsee Néldekein invasion, as discussed in the next 
Grundriss der iran. Philol. ii. 148-150. — chapter. 

2The date of Zoroaster’s death is 3 Shah Namah, Vullers-Landauer, 
set at b.c. 583, and this is supposed iii. 1560; Mohl, iv. 364, 558. 


ARJASP’S SECOND INVASION 119 


hallowed blood; and, worst of all, the Prophet Zardusht falls 
a martyr at the hands of the murderous and fanatical invaders 
of Turan, as he stands in the presence of the altar’s holy 
flame which the Faith so devoutly cherished. The details of 
these particular circumstances are given more fully in the next 
chapter, together with some additional traditions regarding 
Zoroaster’s death. This sad event serves to place the date of 
the second war at about B.c. 583 on the basis of the Binda- 
hishn chronology. 

Events now follow in rapid succession. Vishtisp learns in 
Seistan of the death of Lohrasp and of the martyrdom of 
Zoroaster. He hastens to join forces with his son, Farshid- 
vard of Khorassin. The Shah Namah states that Vishtasp 
took the route towards Balkh, but from its description and 
from a Pahlavi allusion to the ‘White Forest,’ as discussed 
hereafter, it appears that Vishtasp joined Farshidvard in Kho- 
rassan, of which the latter was suzerain. We may recall here 
that Firdausi himself was a native of Khorassin and he must 
have been familiar with the tradition. The question of the 
scene of this opening battle is entered into more fully below in 
Appendix IV. So it need not be discussed here. We need 
only follow Firdausi’s brief description of the drawing up of 
the opposing lines, and if we glance at Khorassin on the Map 
we shall have an idea, at least traditionally, of the battlefields 
on which the final victory of Zoroastrianism was won. 

Alas! the valiant Isfendiar is no longer in command of the 
host that is fighting for the Avesta and the Faith of Iran. The 
princely Farshidvard receives a wound that shortly proves 
fatal. Vishtisp is routed, and he finds refuge only in the 
region of Nishapur or of the Jagatai chain, as discussed in 
detail below, Appendix IV. The Iranians are beleagured on 
a lonely height; the Faith of Zoroaster seems about to totter 
and fall before the hated Arjisp and Turan. But Isfendiar is 


1See note above, and compare West, SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 55, and Appen- 
dix III, below, 


120 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM 


once more the saviour of the hour. In the dire emergency 
it is universally felt that the captive prince, chained within the 
fortress which even in the Avesta has given his name to the 


OPENING BATTLE OF THE SECOND HOLY WAR 
(According to the Shah Namah)! 


Tran TURAN 

te PY a 

ate: A 

BB = 

3S oS 

m a iS 

wy 
t= 
ao my 
Id ics mn 
Ea = 
23 S| 
> < 
NS7 

iS 

Ss q 

= £ 

lon 

it | q 

a 3 

pe bs 

FY 


mountain, can save the State from its impending overthrow. 
According to the Chronicle, Jamiasp secretly visits Isfendiar, 


1ShN. Mohl, iv. 865, 366, 8387. On the name above, p. 112, n. 8); Bastvar, 
the special proper names, see Justi, Justi, p. 65. 
Tran. Namenbuch under Frashqwm- 2 ShN. Mohl, iv. 366, 387. 
varata, p. 104 (but recall discussion of 


THE BATTLES OF THE SECOND HOLY WAR 121 


and finally induces him to forget his cruel wrongs and to 
preserve his country from the certain ruin that hangs over it. 
Freed from the galling shackles, he hastens to the rescue and 
leads the hosts of Zoroastrianism once more to victory. Under 
the inspiration of his command a final battle is begun. 
Isfendiar receives full power and sway. The only change in 
the organization of Vishtisp’s forces, as noted in the Shah 
Namah, is that Gurdoé (Kerditi) succeeds to the place of 
Farshidvard, who had died from the fatal wound received in 
the preceding fight, and Bastvar (Nastiir) consequently occu- 
pies the right wing.! Arjasp’s troops are marshalled in a 
manner differing but slightly from that before adopted. The 
disposition of the armies, as given by Firdausi, is shown in 
the diagram on page 122. 

Isfendiar wins a complete and signal victory. Arjasp flees 
back to Turan. But no quarter this time is granted. His 
country is mercilessly invaded by the invincible Isfendiar, his 
capital stormed and taken, and he himself is finally slain. 
The Dinkart likewise in one passage seems to contain an echo 
of the note of exultation over this event.? Victory rests every- 
where upon the banners of Ivan and upon the triumphant stan- 
dards of Zoroaster’s Faith. 

Thus closed the second invasion of the great Holy War, 
which really served to establish the future of Zoroastrianism, 
for the Faith gained strength from the shock it withstood and 
the power it overcame. According to tradition, victory led 
to other attempts at universal conversion, but not all were 
unqualifiedly successful. The gallant Isfendiar, so zealous ever 
for the cause, is himself ultimately slain in single combat with 
Rustam, whom he sought to convert to the creed in accordance 
with King Vishtasp’s urgent desire and his own unflagging 
readiness for crusading. The story which Firdausi tells of 


10On Gurddé (Kerdiii), see ShN. 2See Dk. 7. 4. 88-90, in West’s 
Mohl, iv. 384; Justi, Tran. Namen- translation, SBH. xlvii. 72-73. 
buch, pp. 122, 161. 


122 THE HOLY WARS OF ZOROASTRIANISM 


the details of Isfendiar’s death may be apocryphal, but it con- 
tains some reminiscence of the missionary labors that are 
known to have been expended in the land of Seistan. 


FINAL BATTLE OF THE SECOND HOLY WAR 
(According to the Shah Namah)! 


TRAN TURAN 


Gurd6é 
(Kerdii) 


Kuhram 


VISHTASP 
(Gushtasp) 
ARJASP 


Bastvar 
(Nastir) 
King of Jigil 


The Sacred Wars summarized. —Such is the story of the 
period of holy warfare against Areiat-aspa (Arjasp) in behalf 


1ShN. Mohl, iv. 884. For the proper names, see references above. 


“ 


THE SACRED WARS SUMMARIZED 123 


of Zoroaster’s Faith, at least so far as we can gather history 
from sources which are chiefly chronicles. In the Avesta and 
in the Pahlavi writings Arejat-aspa is a Hyaonian (Av. H'ya- 
ona, Phl. Khyon); in the Shah Namah and elsewhere he is 
understood to be a Turanian. Both designations apparently 
amount ultimately to the same thing. Furthermore, according 
to tradition, there were two separate wars or invasions by 
Arjasp, although the earliest accounts do not make this point 
wholly clear. If we accept the Zoroastrian chronology based 
upon the Pahlavi Bundahishn, the defeat of Arjasp in the first 
war must have occurred about B.c. 601. The principal battle 
of this war was the fight in which King Vishtasp’s brother 
Zarir was slain. A considerable interval, nearly twenty years, 
is believed to have elapsed before Arjasp began his second 
invasion. ‘The date of this event is placed by the tradition as 
about B.C. 583, the year being given by the death of Zoroaster 
which seems to have occurred at this time. The amphitheatre 
in which the final engagements in this war took place appears 
to be Khorassan. Isfendiar, the great crusader, wins the final 
victory that establishes the Faith of Ivan on a firm foundation, 
even though Zoroaster is no longer living to enjoy the fruits 
of triumph. 


CHAPTER X 
THE DEATH OF ZOROASTER 


THE END OF A GREAT PROPHETIC CAREER 


‘Shall the priest and the prophet be slain in the sanctuary of the Lord?’ 
— LAMENTATIONS 2. 20. 


INTRODUCTION —GREEK AND Latin Accounts OF ZorOASTER’S DEATH BY 
LIGHTNING OR A FLAME FROM HeEAVEN— THE IRANIAN TRADITION OF HIS 
DEATH AT THE Hanp oF AN ENEMY — CONCLUSION 


Introduction. — Those who have read Marion Crawford’s 
novel ‘ Zoroaster’ may perhaps recall the graphic scene describ- 
ing the death of the Prophet of ancient Ivan, with which the 
romance closes. Whatever may have been the novelist’s 
source of information—if he had any source beyond his own 
vivid imagination —his picture is so well drawn that it seems 
real, and it may possibly not be so far, after all, from the truth. 
There is no authority, however, for believing that Zoroaster’s 
death took place at Stakhar (Persepolis); but there is ground 
for believing that he may possibly have been slain while at 
worship in the sanctuary. Traditions on the subject differ; but 
it is the purpose of this chapter briefly to bring together the 
material that is accessible on the question of Zoroaster’s death. 

Greek and Latin Accounts of Zoroaster’s Death. — From 
the fate of Empedocles we are not surprised to find a miracu- 
lous departure attributed to a great sage; and the Greek and 
Latin patristic writers give a fabulous account of the passing 
of Zoroaster. (His is no ordinary end; he perishes by lightning 
or a flame from heaven, which recalls the descent of the fiery 
chariot and the whirlwind in the apotheosis of Elijah. For 

124 


GREEK AND LATIN ACCOUNTS OF ZOROASTER’S DEATH 125 


such a description our principal source is the Pseudo-Clemen- 
tine Recognitiones and the spurious Clementine Homilies} whose 
statements are followed by later writers. All these passages. 
are given in Appendix V., so they are simply summarized here.} 

(a) A passage in the Clementinae Recognitiones (dating 
about A.D. second century, and existing in the Latin trans- 
lation of Rufinus),? identifies Zoroaster with Ham or Mesraim 
of the family of Noah, and anathematizes him as a magician 
and astrologer. To deceive the people, it is said, he was wont 
to conjure the stars until finally the guardian spirit or presid- 
ing genius of a certain star became angry at his control and 
emitted a stream of fire in vengeance and slew the arch- 
But the misguided Persians deified the ashes of his 
body consumed by the flame, and they gave adoration to the 
star which had thus charioted him into the presence of God. 


Hence after his death he received the name Zoroaster, that is, 


magician. 


‘living star,— an interpretation by those who understood the 
Greek form of his name to have this meaning! ® 

(b) The statement in the spurious Clementine Homilies * dif- 
fers but slightly. Zoroaster is identified with Nimrod, who, 
in the pride of his heart, seeks for universal power from the 
star, whereat the lightning falls from heaven and Nimrod is 
destroyed, and he accordingly receives the surname Zoroaster 
for the ‘stream of the star’: Zwopodorpys peTovoudabn, dua 
TO THY TOU GoTEépos Kat avTov Caaav evenOjvat ponv. But 
the Persians, it is added, built a temple over the remains of 
his body and cherished the sacred flame that came from the 


1 The best material on this subject, 
from the classical side, is to be found 
in Windischmann, Zoroastrische Stu- 
dien, pp. 806-309 (accessible now in 
translation, Darab D. P. Sanjana, Zar- 
athushtra in the Gathads, pp. 131-135). 

2Clem. Roman. Recogn. 4. 27-29 
(tom. i. col. 1826 seq. ed. Migne). See 
Appendix V., § 12. 


8 For the text, cf. Appendix V., 
§ 12. 

4 Clem. Homilies, 9. 4 seq. (tom. ii. 
col. 244, ed, Migne) ; see Appendix V., 
§ 12, and ef. Windischmann, Zor. 
Stud. pp. 306-807 = Darab D. P. San- 
jana, Zarathushtra in the Gathas, p. 
133, and Rapp, ZDMG. xix. p. 34. 


126 THE DEATH OF ZOROASTER 


coals of the heaven-sent bolt; and so long as they did this 
they had sovereignty. Then the Babylonians stole away the 
embers and thereby gained empire over the world.! 

(c) Gregory of Tours (A.D. 538-593)? repeats the identi- 
fication of Zoroaster with Ham (Cham, or Chus) and records 
the etymology of his name as ‘living star,’ stating that the 
Persians worshipped him as a god because he was consumed 
by fire from heaven. See Appendix V., § 37... 

(ad) The Chronicon Paschale or Chronicon Alexandrinwm 
(last date A.D. 629)% makes Zoroaster foretell his fiery death, 
and bid the Persians to preserve the ashes of his charred bones. 
As he is praying to Orion, he is slain by the descent of a heay- 
enly shaft, and the Persians carefully keep his ashes down to 
the present time. See text in Appendix V., § 39. 

The same story is found in almost the same words, or with 
no material addition (see Appendix V., § 39) in the works of 

(e) Johan. Malalas (A.p. sixth century) col. 84, ed. Migne; 
p- 18 ed. Bonnenn. 

(f) Suidas (A.D. tenth century), s.v. Zopodotpns, Aatpovopos, 
briefly records the death by fire from heaven. 

(g) Georgius Cedrenus (c. A.D. 1100), tells the same in his 
Historiarum Compendium (col. 57, ed. Migne; p. 29 seq. ed. 
Bonnenn.), and adds, Ta AeApava avrod dia TLUNS eixov ot Ilépoat 
éws todTov Katadpovncartes kal THs Bactrelas €E€rrecov. 

(h) Michael Glycas (flor. ec. A.p. 1150), Ann. Pars II. (col. 
258, ed. Migne; p. 244 ed. Bonnenn.), simply repeats the 
Clementine statement. See Appendix V., § 47. 

(i) Georgius Hamartolus (d. about A.D. 1468) merely reiter- 
ates the same in his Chronology (col. 56, ed. Migne). 

All these latter quotations go back to the Clementine source. 


1 For the full text, see Appendix V., Migne; or i. p. 67, ed. Bonnenn. ; cf. 


§ 12. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 308 note 
2 Hist. Francor. 1. 5 (col. 164 seq. = Darab D. P. Sanjana, Zarathushtra 
ed. Migne). in the Gathas, p. 135, 


8 Chron. Pasch. col. 148 seq. ed. 


THE IRANIAN TRADITION OF ZOROASTER’S DEATH 127 


They all look upon Zoroaster as an astrologer who perished by 
a shaft from heaven, and they usually interpret this as a mark 
of divine displeasure. 

It might be added, simply by way of greater completeness, 
that Orosius (A.D. fifth century) Hist. i. 4 (col. 700, ed. 
Migne) follows the current later classical story about Ninus 
and Zoroaster, and adds that Ninus conquered and killed him 
in battle, which perhaps is an echo of the war against Arjasp.1 

The Iranian Tradition of Zoroaster’s Death. — Passing from 
the realm of fanciful legend to the more solid ground of tradi- 
tion we have a very persistent statement in the later Zoro- 
astrian sacred writings regarding the death of the Prophet, 
even if, for reasons to be easily understood, that event is not 
mentioned in the Avesta itself.2 This tradition with absolute 
uniformity makes his death to have occurred at the age of sey- 
enty-seven years, and ascribes it to a Turanian, one Bratrok- 
résh.? Whether this occurred at the storming of Balkh or | 
under other circumstances, will be discussed below. For the 
latest accessible material on the subject we may refer especially 
to West, SBE. xlvii. According to the Pahlavi selections of 
Zat-sparam, Zoroaster passed away at the age of seventy-seven 
years and forty days in the 47th—48th year of the religion, or 
B.C. 583, of the Iranian chronology.4 The month and the day 
are specifically named, as will be recorded below. The state- 
ment of his age being seventy-seven years is repeated else- 
where,®> and the name of his murderer occurs a number of 
times as the following passages will show. 

(a) The Selections of Zat-sparam, 23. 9 (West, SBE. xlvii. 
165) contain the following entry: ‘In the forty-seventh year 


1¥For the text, see Appendix V., 4See West’s calculations given in 
§ 27. Appendix III., p. 181, and consult the 
2 See also Geldner, ‘Zoroaster’ in next paragraph. 
Encyclopedia Britannica, xxiv. 821, 5 E.g. Masidi, as given in Appendix 
col. a. II., p. 163. . 


3 Cf. also Justi, Iran. Namenbuch, 
10) ale 


128 THE DEATH OF ZOROASTER 


(of the Religion) Zaratiisht passes away, who attains seventy- 
seven years and forty days, in the month Artavahisht6, on the 
day Khir; and for eight rectified months, till the month 
Dadvo and day Khir, he should be brought forward as to be 
reverenced.’ The day of his death, according to tradition, is 
the day Khir in the month Artavahishto, on the eleventh day 
of the second month of the Zoroastrian year. 

(b) In Dinkart, 7. 5. 1 (West, SBE. xlvii. 73) we read, 
‘ About the marvellousness which is manifested from the accept- 
ance of the Religion by Vishtasp onwards till the departure 
(vivéz6) of Zaratiisht, whose guardian spirit is reverenced, to 
the best existence, when seventy-seven years had elapsed on- 
wards from his birth, forty-seven onwards from his conference, 
and thirty-five years onwards from the acceptance of the 
Religion by Vishtasp.’ 

(c) Dinkart, 7. 6. 1 (West, SBE. xlvii. 77) speaks, among 
other miracles, ‘ About the marvellousness which is manifested 
after the departure (viwé%d) of Zaratiisht, whose guardian 
spirit is reverenced, to the best existence (i.e. Heaven), and 
manifested also in the lifetime of Vishtasp.’ 

(d) Datistan-i1 Dinik, 72. 8 (West, SBH. xviii. 218) states 
that among the most heinous sinners, ‘one was Tur-1 Bratar- 
vakhsh, the Karap and heterodox wizard, by whom the best 
of men [i.e. Zaratiisht] was put to death.’ If this be the same 
Karap that plotted against Zoroaster as a youth, it would 
imply an extraordinary longevity (p. 28, n. 4). 

(e) Dinkart 5. 3. 2 (West, SBH. xlvii. 126) mentions 
among the events in the history of the Religion, ‘the killing of 
Zaratisht himself by Bratrd-résh.’ See also the note by Darab 
D. P. Sanjana in Geiger’s Hastern Iranians, ii. p. 216. Compare 
likewise Dinkart translated by Peshotan Dastur Behramjee 


1Or May 1, s.c. 583, if I reckon the Parsis, i. 149, 150; ii. 154. On 
correctly. On the Zoroastrian months, the year, see West’s calculations in 
see Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 33-36, and SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 55, given below 
Dosabhai Framji Karaka, History of | in Appendix III. 


THE IRANIAN TRADITION OF ZOROASTER’S DEATH 129 


Sanjana, vol. vii. p. 485: ‘Among wicked priests the most 
wicked was Tur-e-Baratrut G.e. Tiir-i Britar-vakhsh) of evil 
nature and desirous of destroying Zarthusht’s faith.’ 

(f) The Great Iranian Bundahishn in a passage cited and 
translated by Darmesteter (Le ZA. ii. 19, cf. also iii. Introd. 
Ixxix.) describes the demon and wizard Malkos, who shall 
appear at the end of a thousand years to bring distress upon 
the earth, as a manifestation of ruin springing ‘from the race 
of Tur-i Bratrok-résh who brought about Zaratiisht’s death.’ ! 

(g) The Persian prose treatise Sad-dar, 9. 5 (West, SBE. 
xxiv. 267) includes among the list of sinners who are on a par 
with Ahriman, the same ‘ Ttr-i Bratar-vakhsh who slew Zara- 
tusht.’ The metrical Sad-dar repeats it also (Hyde, Historia 
Religionis, p. 441). 

(h) The Pahlavi Bahman Yasht, 2. 3 (West, SBE. v. 195) 
alludes to the same tradition, for when Zaratiisht in a vision 
asks immortality of God, Atharmazd declines it, responding 
thus: ‘When (i.e. if) I shall make thee immortal, O Zara- 
tusht the Spitaman! then Tur-i Bratar-vakhsh the Karap will 
become immortal, and when Tir-i Bratar-vakhsh the Karap 
shall become immortal, the resurrection and future existence are 
not possible.’ 

The Pahlavi-Parsi tradition is therefore unanimous that 
Zoroaster perished by the hand of Tir-i Bratar-vakhsh or 
Bratrok-résh, but it gives no specific details. Firdausi must be 
following an Iranian tradition in keeping with this when he 
assigns this event to the time of the Turanian invasion of Iran, 
and ascribes Zoroaster’s death to the storming of Balkh and the 
destruction of the temple Niish-Adar. Other Persian writers 
seem to accept the same tradition. The extracts are given. 

(i) Shah Namah, ed. Vullers-Landauer, iii. 1559 graphically 
describes the final scene. I give a version of it, following Mohl 
iv. 363 and Vullers, Fragmente, 103: ‘The army (of Turan) there- | 

1 Malkos séj-cihari min toxmak-i Tiir-t Bratrok-rés, 7 03-1 Zaratist yahvint ;s 
see Darmesteter. 

K 


130 THE DEATH OF ZOROASTER 


upon entered Balkh, and the world became darkened with 
rapine and murder. They advanced toward the Temple of Fire 
(ataxkadah) and to the palace and glorious hall of gold. They 
burned the Zend-Avesta entire and they set fire to the edifice 
and palace alike. There (in the sanctuary) were eighty priests 
whose tongues ceased not to repeat the name of God; all these 
they slew in the very presence of the Fire and put an end to 
their life of devotion. By the blood of these was extinguished 
the Fire of Zardusht. Who slew this priest I do not know.’! 
The story is told over again, a few lines farther on, where the 
messenger bears to the absent Vishtasp the awful news of the 
sacking of the city, the death of Lohrasp, ‘the king of kings,’ 
and the slaying of the Sage or Master (vad), by which none 
other than Zardusht is meant. The lines run (cf. Vullers- 
Landauer, iii. 1560, and Mohl, trad. iv. 364): ‘They have slain 
Lohrisp, the king of kings, before the city of Balkh; and our 
days are darkened and full of trouble. For (the Turks) have 
entered the temple Niish-Adar and they have crushed the head 
of the Master (Zardusht) and of all the priests ; and the brill- 
iant Fire has been extinguished by their blood.’ 

(j) The prose chronicle Shah Namah Nasr, which Hyde 
terms an abstract of Firdausi made by some Magian,? states 
similarly with reference to this event: ‘They say that when 
Arjasp’s army invaded Iran, Lohrasp left the place of divine 
worship as soon as he learned of this, and took to the field of 
battle. He killed a great many, but he himself was slain, 
together with eighty priests (who were in the temple at Balkh 
Bami). The fire was quenched by their blood ; and among the 
number of the eighty priests was Zardusht the prophet, who 
also perished in this war.’® 

(k) The later Persian work Dabistan (beginning of 17th 


1 See variant in Vullers-Landauer, 2 Hyde, Historia Religionis Vet. 
iii. 1559,and the translation by Vullers, Pers. pp. 319-325 (1 ed.). 
Fragmente, p. 108, and by Mohl, iv. 8 After the Latin translation of 


363. Hyde, op. cit. p. 325. 


THE IRANIAN TRADITION OF ZOROASTER’S DEATH 131 


century A.D.), claims that its statement is based upon ancient 
Iranian authority and gives a picturesque description of the 
manner in which the martyred Zoroaster avenged himself upon 
his slayer Turbaraturhash G.e. Tur-i Bratar-vakhsh) by hurling 
his rosary at his murderer and destroying him. Or as the 
passage reads: ‘It is recorded in the books composed by Zar- 
dusht’s followers, and also in the ancient histories of Iran, that 
at the period of Arjasp’s second! invasion, King Gushtasp was 
partaking of the hospitality of Zal, in Seistan, and Isfendiar 
was a prisoner in Dazh Gumbadan ; and that Lohrasp, notwith- 
standing the religious austerities he performed through divine 
favor, laid aside the robes of mortality in battle, after which 
the Turks took the city. A Turk named Turbaratur, or 
Turbaraturhash,? having entered Zardusht’s oratory, the prophet 
received martyrdom by his sword. Zardusht, however, having 
thrown at him the rosary (Shumar Afin or Yad Afrdz) which 
he held in his hand, there proceeded from it such an effulgent 
splendor that its fire fell on Turbaratur and consumed him.’ 

(1) Two other late Persian passages imply that Zoroaster’s 
end was violent. Both of these are noticed by Hyde, from 
whom they are adopted here.* The first is from the Persian 
historian Majdi (A.D. sixteenth century), who, after mention- 
ing the dreadful invasion of Arjasp and the death of the priests 
in the temple of Balkh, goes on to say: ‘He quenched the fire 
of Zardusht with the blood of the Magi; and some one from 
Shiraz then slew Zardusht himself.’ ® 

Gn) The second of these two passages is an allusion found 
in the Farhang-i Jahangiri, which apparently refers to the day 
of Zoroaster’s death as well as to the day on which he first 
undertook his mission to Vishtiasp, for the dates resemble those 


1 Notice the word ‘second’ in con- *Hyde, Historia Religionis Vet. 
nection with the preceding chapter. Pers. pp. 319, 825. On Majdi, cf. Ethé 
2T.e. Tir-i Bratar-vakhsh. in Grundriss d. tran. Philol. ii. 382. 

3 Dabistan tr. Shea and Troyer, i. 5 Hyde, op. cit. p. 319; de Harlez, 


371-372, Avesta tr. p. xxv. note 7. 


132 THE DEATH OF ZOROASTER 


in Pahlavi sources as already described. The sentence reads: 
‘On the thirtieth day, Anirain, he entered Iran (or Persia), and 
on the fifteenth day, Deybamihr, he departed in sorrow from 
Iran.’ Hyde, p. 325, seems rightly to have interpreted the 
allusion thus, and he should be consulted in connection with 
pp. 40, 128, above. 

Conclusion. — The accounts of Zoroaster’s death by light- 
ning or a flame from heaven, as found in Greek and Latin 
patristic literature, seem to be legendary. According to Ivan- 
ian tradition his death was violent, and it occurred at the hand 
of a Turanian whose name is preserved to ill-renown. 
Whether his martyrdom took place in the temple when Balkh 
was stormed, as later Iranian writers all state, cannot posi- 
tively be asserted, although such may have been the case. 


CHAPTER XI 
THE SEQUENCE OF EVENTS AFTER ZOROASTER’S DEATH 


THE LATER FORTUNE OF THE FAITH 


‘Still did the mighty flame burn on, 
Through chance and change, through good and ill, 
Like its own God’s eternal will 
Deep, constant, bright, unquenchable!’ 
— Moore’s Lalla ookh. 


Intropuctory Sratements; Tue Course or Events— Tue First TEN 
Years arrer Zoroaster’s DeatH — EvipENcE OF FurRTHER SPREAD OF 
THE RELIGION — Dratu OF THE First ApostLEs — LATER DISCIPLES AND 
Successors — PROPHECIES AND FuTuRE Events —SUMMARY 


Introductory Statements; the Course of Events. — With the 
great Prophet dead, with the holy flame of the sacred shrine 
quenched in the blood of the martyred priests, we might have 
supposed for a moment that the Religion must perish too. 
Happily, as we have seen, this was destined not to be the case. 
Fate, circumstances, and merit issued other decrees. We have 
watched the spark of the altar flame kindling anew; the story 
of the glorious victories won in hallowed battles for Ormazd 
has been told; the banner of the Creed waves once more aloft. 
Little more remains to be chronicled beyond briefly tracing 
the course which events took in the years that followed Zoro- 
aster’s death. In other words, we are presently to enter the 
realm where actual history goes hand in hand with tradition. 

Tradition according to the Bahman Yasht asserts that 
‘Artashir the Kayan, whom they call Vohiiman son of Spend- 
dat,’ and whom we know as Ardashir Dirazdast, or the ‘long- 
handed,’ is the one who ‘made the Religion current in the 

133 


134 EVENTS AFTER ZOROASTER’S DEATH 


whole world.’! Actual history agrees with this in so far as it 
shows that Artaxerxes Longimanus, or the ‘long-handed,’ was 
an ardent Zoroastrian ruler.2_ From the pages of history, fur- 
thermore, we learn that by the time of the last Achaemenians, 
at least, Zoroastrianism is practically acknowledged to have 
become the national religion of Iran. History, alas, has also 
to chronicle in its memorial chapters the cruel blow which 
Alexander dealt to the whole Persian empire upon his trium- 
phal march of world-conquest. Tradition again is in harmony 
in recording how the ‘evil-destined’ or ‘accursed Iskander’ 
brought ruin everywhere by his sword, and how he burned the 
sacred books of the Avesta, the archetype of the bible of Zoro- 
aster, with the treasury of the ancient Persian kings. This 
last tragic event stands out as the darkest day in the history of 
Zoroastrianism until its final overthrow by Islam, when the 
Koran superseded the Avesta and Ormazd gave place to 
Allah. 

But the two centuries or more between the death of Zoro- 
aster and the coming of Alexander are filled by various reli- 
gious events which the patristic literature of Sassanian times 
carefully records and which it is proper here to notice in con- 
nection with the history of Zoroaster’s life. It certainly 
seems curious that we have no mention of Cyrus nor of the 
pious Mazda-worshipper Darius, unless we are to understand 
that the events of their reigns are merged in a general way 
into the achievements of Isfendiar. This is one of the prob- 
lems which belong rather to the history of the Religion to dis- 
cuss. For the years themselves that follow Zoroaster’s death, 
the Pahlavi texts give enough general events or incidents to 
mark off the periods or epochs in a loose sort of way. The 
first few years at least are certainly worth recording on the 
lines of the tradition, and a glance should be taken at the 


1 Byt. 2.17, West, SBEZ. v. 198-199. 
2 Yet see Justi’s remark in Iran. Namenbuch p. 34, Artaxsaéra 8. 


FURTHER SPREAD OF THE RELIGION 135 


chronological table in Appendix III., which gives some idea of 
the current of events. 

The First Ten Years after Zoroaster’s Death. — From tradi- 
tion we know that King Vishtaspa outlived Zoroaster, and it 
is interesting to see from the assertions of tradition how the 
miraculous events which attended the Prophet’s life do not 
cease with his death, but wonders and prodigies still continue 
to be witnessed during the reign of the patron king. The 
influence of the veil and glamour of the heavenly personage is 
not yet removed. ‘The first decade after Zoroaster’s death was 
certainly eventful for Vishtasp, and we have a fanciful story 
told in Pahlavi of a wonder that came to pass and a sign that 
was manifested, which illustrates that the divine favor has 
descended upon the king and which symbolizes the progress of 
the Religion under the guise of a chariot in its onward course. 

The Dinkart narrates how the soul of the old warrior Srito, 
who had been dead several hundred years, appears again, visits 
the zealous monarch, and presents to him a wonderful chariot. 
The chariot instantly becomes twofold in form, the one being 
spiritual, the other material.! And, as the Dinkart passage 
continues, ‘in the worldly chariot the exalted Kai Vishtasp 
travelled forth unto the village of the Notars, in the joyfulness 
of good thoughts; and in the spiritual chariot the soul of Srito 
of the Visraps travelled forth unto the best existence (i.e. 
returned again to heaven).’2 This allegory of the chariot 
appears to smack somewhat of Buddhism and the Wheel of the 
Law; and we may also recall a classical tradition which 
implies Vishtasp’s acquaintance with the secret lore of the ’ 
Brahmans, and the legendary wisdom and prophetic vision 
which was ascribed to Vishtaspa down to medieval times. 

Evidence of Further Spread of the Religion. — ‘The Dinkart 
text declares that ‘ Vishtasp the king, when he became relieved 


1 Dk. 7. 6. 1-11. 3See Kuhn, Hine zoroastrische 

2Dk. 7. 6.11, West, SBE. xlvii. 80. Prophezeiung, in Festgruss an R. von 
Shall we compare épuain Appendix V., Roth, Stuttgart, 1898, p. 217 seq. 
§7? 


136 EVENTS AFTER ZOROASTER’S DEATH 


from the war with Arjasp, sent to the chief rulers about the 
acceptance of the religion, and the writings of the Mazda-wor- 
shipping religion, which are studded with all knowledge.’ 
The text then goes on to affirm the rapid spread which the 
Faith saw by the end of the few years. ‘The seed of the Reli- 
gion was the blood of its martyrs slain. And so rapid does 
the progress seem to have been that the text claims as one of 
the marvels of history, the fact that at the end of fifty-seven 
years from the first revelation of the Religion, its advent is 
‘published in the seven regions’ of the world, as was described 
in the lost Spend Nask of the Avesta.!_ All this is supposed 
to have occurred while Vishtasp still lives. As a proof, more- 
over, of the general acceptance of the Creed, the same passage 
adduces the fact of ‘the coming of some from other regions to 
Frashéshtar of the Hvobas for enquiry about the religion.’? 
Two of the high priests who came on this holy quest from 
abroad are from the southeastern and the southwestern regions. 
Their names are given as Spiti and Erezraspa— names which 
are found in the Avesta And, similarly, the Apostles went 
into many lands to preach the Gospel after the death of Christ. 

Death of the First Apostles. — Frashaoshtra, Zoroaster’s 
devoted friend, follower, and relative by marriage, lives for 
a number of years to exemplify the tenets and expound the 
doctrines of the Master who has ‘ passed away.’ He himself is 
summoned, as the Zit-sparam selections tell us,* some fifteen 
years after Zaratisht, ‘in the month Artavahishto, in the 
sixty-third year of the Religion.’> His distinguished brother 
Jamisp, the wise Jamaspa, grand vizir of the king, and succes- 
sor of Zoroaster in the pontifical office of the realm, outlives 
Frashaoshtra but a year; or, as the selections of Zat-sparam 


1Dk. 7. 6. 12; cf. Dk. 8. 14. 10, West’s note on Dk. 9. 21. 24, and Dk. 


West, SBE. xlvii. 80; xxxvii. 33. 4. 22, in SBE. xxxvii. 218, 413. 
2Dk. 7. 6. 12. Recall also what 4 Zsp. 28. 10. 
has already been said in Chap. VII. 5 y.c. 568, according to traditional 


about the promulgation of the Religion. chronology ; see West, SBE. x\ivii. 
3 Yt. 18. 121; Dk. 7. 6. 12. See Introd. § 55, and below, Appendix III. 


LATER DISCIPLES AND SUCCESSORS 137 


proceed to chronicle, ‘in the sixty-fourth year of the Religion 
passed away Jamasp, the same as became the priest of priests 
after Zaratusht.’! This sage was indeed a Mobed of Mobeds. 
Then in the seventy-third year he is followed by his son Han- 
gaurush, whose name appears also in the Avesta (Yt. 13. 104).? 
Still another event is recorded in the eightieth year of the 
Faith; this is the death of the pious Asmok-Khanvato (Av. 
Asmo-hvanvat), as well as that of the wizard Akht, who is 
killed, and his name also appears in the Avesta as elsewhere.® 

Later Disciples and Successors. — The same Pahlavi text 
from which the quotations have been made, furnishes also the 
names of ‘six great upholders of the religion.’ These are 
Zoroaster’s two daughters, ‘Frén6 and Srit6, with Aharibé- 
stoto, son of Métyd6mah’— three names which appear in the 
Avesta and which have been given in Chapter II. Next is 
mentioned Vohiném (Ay. Vohu-nemah, Yt. 13. 104), whose 
birth occurred in the fortieth year of the Religion, or seven 
years before Zoroaster’s death. But most important is Sén6 of 
Bust, in the land of Sagastan,®° who is said to have flourished 
for a hundred years and to have left behind him, as the sixth 
prop and support of the Religion, a hundred pupils whose 
teaching fills the century until the coming of Alexander 
brought ruin and desolation upon the Faith.® 

The Greeks likewise recognize a long line of apostles and dis- 


1R.c. 567. 


See Appendix III. be- 
low. 

2 Compare Phil. Zsp. 23.10 with Yt. 
13. 104. 

3 Phi. Zsp. 28. 10; Av. Yt. 18. 96; 1. 
30 = 22. 37; 5. 82; cf. Yosht-i Fryaind 
1.2, and West’s note in SBE. xlvii, 166. 

£ Zsp. 28. 11. 

5 Bust is described by the pseudo- 
Ibn-Haukal as being on the river Hér- 
mend (Hilmend) between Ghor and 
the lake (see Ouseley’s Oriental Gleog- 
raphy, p. 206). This information is 


from West in his letter translating for 
me the ‘ Wonders of Sagastan.’ 

6 B.c. 331; see Appendix III. On 
the teacher Sénd (Ay. Saéna), cf. Yt. 
18. 97; Zsp. 28. 11; Dk. 7. 7.6; and 
consult West, Grundriss d. iran. Philol. 
ii. 118, § 99, Peshotan Dastur Behram- 
jee Sanjana, Dinkart, vol. v. p. 308 
(reading Sénod for Dayun ; cf. Darmes- 
teter, Le ZA. ii. 5380) ; especially also 
Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, The Antiquity 
of the Avesta, p. 12 in Bombay Branch, 
JRAS. art. xvii. June, 1896. 


138 EVENTS AFTER ZOROASTER’S DEATH 


ciples, or Magian priests, descending from Zoroaster. Dioge- 
nes Laertius (A.p. second and third century) de Vit. Philos. 
Prom 2, seems to base his statement on the older authority of 
Hermodorus (B.C. 250) when he states that ‘after Zoroaster 
there were many different Magians in unbroken succession, 
such as Ostanes, Astrampsychus, Gobryas, Pazates, until the 
The Latin writer 


Pliny employs the name of a Magian, Apuscorus, and he desig- 


overthrow of the Persians by Alexander.’! 


nates as Osthanes the Magian priest who accompanied Xerxes 
on his great Hellenic expedition and introduced the Magic Art 
into Greece.2. And so the chain runs on, link after link in 
unending sequence; and in spite of the changes and chances of 
transitory fortune, the line of apostolic succession remains 
unbroken to the present, down to its representatives to-day in 
the priesthood that cherishes the sacred flame in the fire-temple 
of Bombay! 

Prophecies and Future Events. — As several times alluded to 
already, the Pahlavi Bahman Yasht describes an apocalyptic 
vision in which Zoroaster is supposed to have beheld, unfolded 
The 


four or seven branches of the tree which rises before his eyes, 


before him, the whole future history of the Religion. 


symbolize emblematically the gold, silver, steel, and iron, or 
other eras, of the Faith down to the final Millennium, all of 
which is foretokened. These prophecies are not ancient, how- 
ever, but they date rather from the times that came after the 
Mohammedan Conquest, when Zoroastrianism sank before the 
Nevertheless, they sweep in rapid 
glance the whole history of the Religion and they summarize 


rising power of Islam. 


1 This subject has already been al- 
luded to in Chap. I., and the text of 
the passage is given in Appendix V. 
and in Appendix II. The plurals in- 
dicate type or class. In connection 
with Astrampsychus, moreover, we 
may recall the later dream-book which 
bears his name, Astrampsychi Oneiro- 


criticon, sive Somniorum Interpretatio, 
recogn. Scaliger, Paris, 1599. 

2 Cf. Appendix V., and also Kleuker, 
Zend-Av. Anhang, ii. Thl. 3, p. 91; 
Windischmann, Zor. Stud., pp. 285, 
n. 2, 286. Furthermore, on a mention 
of Osthanes, Hostanes, in Minucius Fe- 
lix, compare Kleuker, tom. cit. p. 119. 


SUMMARY 139 


the great eras which the Founder himself in his wise judgment 
and prophetic insight might in a general way have forecast as 
the history of nations and of faiths, even though he did not 
express it. 

Summary. — Zoroastrianism does not die with its founder. 
National events have changed the course of its history, but it 
lives on. The occurrences of the years that intervened between 
the death of the Prophet and the coming of Alexander, so far 
as they are chronicled by tradition, are worth recording as the 
result, in a way, of Zoroaster’s life, and they are interesting 
from the standpoint of comparison between tradition and actual 
history. 


CHAPTER XII 
CONCLUSION 


‘Read the conclusion, then.’ 
— SHAKSPERE, Pericles, 1. 1. 56. 


( AND now the story of the life and legend of the Prophet of 
ancient Iran—the sage who was born to leave his mark upon 
the world, who entered upon his ministry at the age of thirty, 
and who died by violence at the age of seventy-seven — is at 
an end.) Hurriedly we may scan once more the pages of his 
career. Born in the fulness of time, he appears as a prophet 
in the latter half of the seventh century before the Christian 
era, and the period of his activity falls between the closing 
years of Median rule and the rising wave of Persian power. 
He himself stands as the oldest type and representative of what 
we may call, in the language of the Bible, the laws of the 
Medes and Persians. His teaching had already taken deep 
root in the soil of Iran when the Jews were carried up into 
captivity in Babylon and had learned of that law which altereth 
not, or before a Daniel came to interpret the ominous hand- 
writing on the wall which the soothsayers failed to read. Zoro- 
aster is the contemporary of Thales, of Solon, or of the Seven 
Sages of classical antiquity. He is the forerunner of Confu- 
cius, the philosopher who was to arise to expound to China the 
tenets of her people’s faith. By him is sounded in Iran the 
trumpet-call that afterwards echoes with a varied note in 
India when the gentle Buddha comes forth to preach to thirst- 
ing souls the doctrine of redemption through renunciation. 
Zoroaster, finally, is the father, the holy prototype, of those 

140 


CONCLUSION 141 


Wise Men from the East who came and bowed before the > 
new-born Light of the World in the manger-cradle at 
Bethlehem. 

Zoroaster was a Magian; the Magi, as Herodotus tells us, 
were a Median tribe. Although he was born in Atropatene in 
the west, it is not impossible that much of his prophetic career 
was spent in the east, in Bactria or in that region of country. 
We certainly have evidence that the seeds of his teaching . 
found fruitful soil in eastern Iran. Crusading achieved the 
rest. The story of the Holy Wars between Ivan and Turan, 
the storming of Balkh, the final victories in the great battles 
of Khorassan or Bactria, have all been told. The spread of 
the Creed continues. Media itself doubtless generally accepted » 
the reform of the Prophet. The Median name Fravartish has 
been interpreted by Justi to mean ‘ Confessor’ (i.e. of the Zoro- 
astrian Faith), and has been instanced as a proof of its accept- 
ance, although this appellation seems rather to be an old Magian 
name, agreeing with the concept fravasi, which apparently 
existed before the Zoroastrian reform. The Magians them- 
selves were known long prior to the time of Zoroaster, as Albi- 
rini (p. 314) expressly states; but, as he adds, in the course 
of time there remains ‘no pure, unmixed portion of them who 
do not practise the religion of Zoroaster.’ This tends to prove 
how universally the doctrines had found acceptance. The - 
question as to the time when and the manner in which the 
Faith entered Persia Proper is reserved for discussion else- 
where. 

As to the general deductions which have been drawn, we 
may say that time will doubtless prove or disprove the accuracy 
or inaccuracy of many of the statements upon which they are 
based. Some of these may be shown to rest upon a foundation 
of fact rather than fiction, especially if we may judge from the 
tendency of recent years in finding confirmation for tradition. 
Some, however, may be proved to be purely fanciful. We can 
but gain by the truth in either case. The historic import of 


142 CONCLUSION 


some, moreover, may be shown to be not without interest. In 
the light of such, perhaps, the current views with regard to the 
relationship between Zoroastrianism and Judaism may take on 
a new aspect, particularly if we emphasize the fact that Zoro- 
aster arose in the west, in Atropatene and Media, about the 
time of the early Prophetic Period of Israel. From the Bible 
we know that captive Jews were early carried up from Samaria 
into certain cities of the Medes. (From the Avesta, on the 
other hand, we know that Zoroaster had rung out a trumpet 
note and clarion cry of reform, of prophecy, and of Messianic 
promise, before the days of Babylonian Exile. 

From our knowledge, too, of contemporaneous history we 
recall in the current of events that the reputed empire of Bac- 
tria, if it existed, had yielded the prestige to Media; and that 
the sovereignty of Media was swept away before the glorious 
power of Persia. In Persia, Greece recognized a culmination 
of the glory of Iran. Though the Greek vanquishes the Per- 
sian in battle, he still has stories to tell of Magian wisdom and 
of Eastern philosophy. Plato, Pythagoras, and other great 
thinkers are claimed to have emulated the teachings of the 
Magi; and later Moslem or Zoroastrian tradition asserts that 
the ancient sacred writings of Iran, the quintessence of all 
knowledge, were translated into Greek. 

And as for imperial times, the Persian wars brought Rome 
into contact with Zoroastrians, as they had brought the Greeks. 
A phase of Zoroastrianism known as Mithraism penetrated into 
Rome and into Western Europe. ‘The rise of the Neo-Platonic 
school was certainly not without influence from Zoroastrianism, 
nor without influence upon later Zoroastrianism. ‘The tenets 
of Zoroastrian Manicheism even disturbed Christian thought 
for atime. In all such cases the relations doubtless are more 
or less reciprocal. Even the pages of the Koran and the doc- 
trines of Mohammed are not free from the influence of the 
Faith which they vanquished by the sword. The spark of the 
sacred fire has never been quenched; the holy flame continues to 


CONCLUSION 143 


blaze; and the Religion of Zoroaster still lives on. Yes, and 
whatever may be the changing fates, it will live on, so long as 
there are successors worthy to bear the name of the Master, as 
are the Parsis to-day, those faithful followers of the Creed of 
the Prophet of Ancient Iran. 


“ee 


MOR Oye RID RL SG Mai ko wet TL Re eon ee 
} f a aaa pv p CF ‘ i ; ! N e fa Ms ee 


Khujastah pai va nam-i ti Zaradust. 
—Firvausi, Shah Namah. 








Vil. 


LIST OF APPENDIXES 


SUGGESTED EXPLANATIONS OF ZOROASTER’S NAME, 


. ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER. 
. DR. WEST’S TABLES OF ZOROASTRIAN CHRONOLOGY. 


ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE AND THE SCENE OF HIS 


MINISTRY. 
CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME. 


. ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN VARIOUS OTHER OLDER 


LITERATURES. 
NOTES ON SCULPTURES PURPORTED TO REPRESENT ZORO- 


ASTER, 


APPENDIX I 


SUGGESTED EXPLANATIONS OF ZOROASTER’S NAME 


Tue number of etymologies or explanations for Zoroaster’s name 
(cf. p. 14) is almost legion. In Greek classical antiquity, Deinon 
offered an interpretation or paraphrase, as he defined the Prophet’s 
name as ‘Star-worshipper’ (aorpoOirys); see citation in Diogenes 
Laertius, Proem, 1. 6: Aciov ... ds Kat pebepunvevopevoy yor 
tov Zwpoaotpynv adotpoburynyv eva. The Scholiast of the Pla- 
tonic Alcibiades I. p. 122, evidently accepts this derivation when he 
says: Zwpodotpys ... od d& eis “EAAnuixyv gwviv peradpaldpevov 
Tovvoya Tov daoTtpoOtrnyv dSyrot. See Appendix V. below. In this 
explanation the first part of the name (Zwp-) seems to be associated 
in some way with the later Persian zor = Av. zao6ra-, ‘libation’; 
the latter portion of the name is Grecized as éorjp; cf. Windisch- 
mann, Zoroastrische Studien, p. 275, and see also Pott, ZDMG. xiii. 
A25A28. 

Somewhat similar appears to be the attempt of the Clementine 
Homilies and Recognitions to interpret as féaa fot dorépos, or as 
vivum sidus, as given below in Appendix V., Clem. Homil. 9. 3-6: 
dua. 76 THY TOD doTépos Kat aitod Cdcav evexOjvar pony = Recogni- 
tiones, 4. 27-29: quasi vivum astrum. ... Hine enim et nomen post 
mortem eius Zoroaster, hoc est vivum sidus. See Appendix V., 
§ 12, and cf. Rapp, ZDMG. xix. 34. 

The next explanations, if we follow chronological sequence, are to 
be found in the Syro-Arabic Lexica of Bar ‘Ali (c. a.p. 832) and of 
Bar Bahlil (c. a.p. 936) as ‘golden kingdom’ or ‘royal gold,’ zar, 
‘gold’ + wast, ‘kingship’; cf. Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
pp. 27-28. 

Lapse of time has not caused conjectures to cease, and etymologies 
have still continued to be offered. Hovelacque (L’ Avesta, Zoroastre 
et le Mazdéisme, p. 135 seq., Paris, 1880) enumerates various sug- 
gestions that have been made, including the Clementine vivum sidus 
given above and recorded by Barnabé Brisson, De Regio Persarum 


147 


148 APPENDIX I 


Principatu, p. 387, Argentorati, 1710 (orig. ed. Paris, 1590); or 
another interpretation as ‘friend of fire’ proposed by Henry Lord, 
Religion of the Parsees, p. 152, London, 1630 = p. 3852 a, Churchill 
ed. London, 1732; cf. likewise d’Herbelot, Bibliotheque orientale, art. 
‘ Zoroastre’; or, again (as stated on Parsi authority), a proposed 
significance, ‘bathed in gold,’ ‘melted silver,’ Zaer-sios, Zaersioest, 
found in C. Le Bruyn, Voyages en Perse et aux Indes orientales, 
il. p. 3588. Most of these attempts are futile, as they were made 
without an acquaintance with the actual Avestan form ZaraduStra. 

The discussion by Anquetil du Perron (Zend-Avesta, i. Part 2, 
p. 2 seq., Paris, 1771) is of interest because he knew Avestan, but 
his conjecture ‘Taschter (astre) d’or’—connecting the name with 
Tishtrya— had little to recommend it. Eugene Burnouf was the 
first who rightly saw uStra, ‘camel,’ in the name and he explained 
Zarad-ustra as ‘fulvos camelos habens’ (Comm. sur le Yagna, pp. 12- 
14, Paris, 1833); but he afterwards gave ‘astre d’or’ (Notes, p. 166), 
see Brockhaus, Vendidad Sade, p. 561, Leipzig, 1850, and Windisch- 
mann, Zor. Stud. pp. 46-47, or earlier in Jen. Litt. Zt., 1834, nr. 
138, pp. 188-159. In the year 1855, Sir Henry Rawlinson made a. 
guess that the name might be Semitic, 1.e. Zarathustra = Ziru-istar 
‘seed of Ishtar, descendant of Venus, JRAS., Gt. Brit. and Ireland, 
xv. 227, 246 (cf. George Rawlinson, Herodotus, vol. iil. p. 455). 
On the contrary Haug, Die fiinf Gathas, 11. p. 246, Abh. f. Kunde d. 
Morgenlandes, Leipzig, 1860, suggested ‘trefflicher Lobsinger’ (cf. 
Skt. jarat ‘praising’ + uitara ‘superior’) but he afterwards aban- 
doned such a view. It was criticised also by Weber, Zit. C. Bl., nr. 
28, p. 407 (1861), nr. 27, p. 647 (1863) = Ind. Streif. pp. 449, 466 
(1869). Also discussed by Mills, Zoroastrian Gathas, p. 426 seq. 
(1892-4). Another scholar (Lassen, I believe, if we may judge from 
Windischmann, Zor. Stud. pp. 46-47; Pott, ZDMG. xiii. 426 seq.) 
offered ‘gold-smith’ (cf. Skt. hari + tvastar). Jules Oppert made 
Zoroaster ‘splendeur d’or’ in his L’Honover, le Verbe Créateur de 
Zoroastre, p. 4, Extrait des Ann. de Philos. Chrétienne, Jan., 1862. 

In the same year as Oppert (1862), Fr. Miller summarized a number 
of views that were current at the time and he explained zara6-ustra 
as ‘muthige Kamele besitzend’ (Zendstudien, i. 635-639, Sitzungsbe- 
richte der Akademie, Dez., 1862, Wien, 1862 = transl. by Darab 
Peshotan Sanjana Geiger’s Eastern Iranians, ii. 172 seq.). [But cf. 
Lit. Centralblatt, 1863, p. 614; and later Miller offers the bizarre 
interpretation as 2@6ra-usta ‘von der Geburt an Glick habend’ 


EXPLANATIONS OF ZOROASTER’S NAME 149 


(WZKM. vi. 264, Wien, 1892).] Spiegel proposed ‘Kamele 
peinigend’ (Sitzb. kgl. bayer. Akad. phil. cl. p. 10, Jan. 5, 1867). In 
1871, the Spanish scholar Ayuso accepted the more or less familiar 
identification of part of the name with ‘star, as shown by his 
‘estrella de oro’ (Hl Estudio de la Filologia, p. 180, Madrid, 1871) ; 
and he repeats the same view in his Los Pueblos tranios y Zoroastro, 
p. 7, Madrid, 1874. 

Returning to France, it may next be noted that J. Darmesteter 
(Ormazd et Ahriman, p. 194, n., Paris, 1877) first proposed * zarat- 
vat-tra, comparative degree of an adj. signifying ‘rouge, couleur 
dor’; but he later suggests ‘aux chameaux jaunes’ zaradu-ustra, 
Le ZA. iii. Introd. p. 76, n., Paris, 1893; but on this see Barthol- 
omae, JF. vi. Anz. p. 47. Ascoli once offered * zarat-vastra ‘der 
bebauung des feldes zugewogen, zugethan’ Beitriige z. vgl. Spr. v. 
211, 1868. More recently Casartelli hinted at ‘ploughing with 
camels’ (cf. Skt. hala- ‘plough’), Academy, vol. 31, p. 257, April 9, 
1887. Other suggestions have been made such as Paulus Cassel, 
explaining as Hebraic ‘Sternensohn’ (Zoroaster, sein Name und seine 
Zeit, Berlin, 1886, cited from Grundriss d. iran. Philol. ii. 40, n.). 
Brunnhofer, Vom Pontus bis zum Indus, p. 147, Leipzig, 1890. 
Kern’s ‘Goldglanz’ (Zara-thuStra) and Brodbeck’s ‘Gold-stern’ (evi- 
dently after Anquetil’s etymology, cf. Brodbeck, Zoroaster, p. 30, 
Leipzig, 1893) are noted by Rindtorff, Die Religion des Zarathustra, 
p. 13 (Weimar, 1897). E. Wilhelm has also incidentally dealt with 
the subject of Zoroaster’s name in connection with the form 
ZaPpaveryns, Which is found in Ctesias, in Le Muséon, x. 569-571, 
Louvain, 1891. 


APPENDIX [I 


ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER? 


Presented to the American Oriental Society April 18th, 1895. 

[Reprinted from the Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. xvu., 
pp. 1-22, 1896. A few slight additions which have been made are indicated by 
enclosing them in square brackets. Some trivial changes made for the sake of 
uniformity, and several unimportant corrections require no notice. ] 


GreEAT men are the children of their age. Heirs to the heritage 
of the past, they are charged with the stewardship of the posses- 
sions to be handed down to the future. Summing up within 
themselves the influences of the times that call them forth, stamped 
with the impress of their day, their spirit in turn shows its reflex 
upon the age that gives them birth. We read them in their age; we 
read their age in them. So it is of the prophets and sages, religious 
teachers and interpreters, which have been since the world began. 
The teaching of a prophet is the voice of the age in which he lives; 
his preaching is the echo of the heart of the people of his day. The 
era of a prophet is therefore not without its historic significance ; it 
is an event that marks an epoch in the life of mankind. The age of 
most of the great religious teachers of antiquity is comparatively 
well known; but wide diversity prevails with regard to the date at 
which Iran’s ancient prophet Zoroaster lived and taught; yet his 
appearance must have had its national significance in the land 
between the Indus and the Tigris; and the great religious movement 
which he set on foot must have wrought changes and helped to shape 
the course of events in the early history of Iran. The treatment of 
this question forms the subject of the present paper.” 


1 This paper forms a companion-piece to the present writer’s discussion 
of ‘Zoroaster’s Native Place’ in JAOS. xv. 221-232. 

2 [Since the appearance of the monograph on the ‘Date of Zoroaster,’ 
which is here reprinted, the general subject of Zoroastrian chronology has 
been ably treated by E. W. West (SBE. xlvii. Introd. p. xxvii. seq.). 
Dr. West’s researches confirm the results here obtained ; and he is in a 
position to define the date of Zoroaster still more precisely, at least on the 
basis of tradition, as B.c. 660-583. His entire discussion should be read. 
An extract from his chronological table is given in Appendix IIL. ] 


150 


ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 151 


The Avesta itself gives us no direct information in answer to the 
inquiry as to the date of Zoroaster. It presents, indeed, a picture 
of the life and times; we read accounts of King Vishtaspa, the 
Constantine of the Faith; but the fragments that remain of the 
sacred texts present no absolutely clear allusions to contemporary 
events that might decisively fix the era. The existing diversity of 
opinion with reference to Zoroaster’s date is largely due to this fact 
and to certain incongruities in other ancient statements on the 
subject. The allusions of antiquity to this subject may conveni- 
ently be divided into three groups: *— 


8 [The results of earlier investigators of the subject, Brisson, Stanley, 
Hyde, Buddeus, Prideaux, and others, as mentioned by Anquetil du Perron, 
are practically included in his examination of the problem of Zoroaster’s 
date. Anquetil’s treatise, together with Foucher’s previous inquiries into 
the subject, are accessible in Kleuker, Anhang zum ZA. i. Thl. 1, pp. 325- 
874, and Thl. 2, pp. 55-81. They are of interest to the specialist. Cf. also 
Spiegel, Avesta Uebersetzt, i. 43,n. The later bibliography of the subject 
is given below in the course of the investigation. ] 


I. First, those references that assign to Zoroaster [= orig. p. 2] 
the extravagant date B.c. 6000. 
II. Second, such allusions as connect his name with the more or 
less legendary Ninus and the uncertain Semiramis. “ 
III. Third, the traditional date, placing the era of Zoroaster’s 
teaching at some time during the sixth century B.c. 


All the material will first be presented under the headings A. I., 
A. IL, and A.TII.; then a detailed discussion of the data, pages 
16-19 = pp. 170-174, under the heading B; and, finally, a sum- 
mary of results, under the heading C, pages 19-22 = pp. 174-177. 


SYNOPSIS OF DIVISION A. 


A. I. Classical passages placing Zoroaster at 6000 B.c. 


Pliny the Elder. 
Plutarch. 

Scholion to Plato. 
Diogenes Laertius. 
Lactantius. 

Suidas. 

Georgius Syncellus. 


i as aed a 


152 APPENDIX II 


A. II. Passages associating Zoroaster’s name with Semiramis and Ninus. 


Ctesias. 

Cephalion (Moses of Khorene, Georgius Syncellus). 
Theon. 

Justin. 

Arnobius. 

Eusebius. 

Orosius. 

Suidas. 

Snorra Edda. 

Bar ‘Ali. 


cr prog rho Mo of 


A. III. The native tradition as to Zoroaster’s date. 


Arta Viraf. 

Bindahishn. 

Albiriini. 

Mastdi. 

Tabari. 

The Dabistan. 

Firdausi. 

The Mujmal al-Tawarikh and the Ulam4-i Islam. 
The Chinese-Parsi era. 

Reports connecting Zoroaster and Jeremiah. 
Pahlavi Perso-Arabic allusions to Nebuchadnezzar, 
Ammianus Marcellinus and Eutychius. 

m. Nicolaus Damascenus, Porphyry, etc. 


roc Bog rho ao op 


A. Data FoR THE AGE OF ZOROASTER. 
A.I. Allusions placing Zoroaster at 6000 B.C. 


The allusions of the first group comprehend those classical 
references that assign to Zoroaster the fabulous age of B.c. 6000 or 
thereabouts.’ These references are confined chiefly to the classics, 

and their chief claim to any consideration is that they 
[= orig. p.3] purport to be based upon information handed down from 

Kudoxus, Aristotle, and Hermippus. Such extraordi- 
nary figures, however, are presumably due to the Greeks’ having 
misunderstood the statements of the Persians, who place Zoroaster’s 
millennium amid a great world-period of 12,000 years, which they 
divided into cycles of 38000 years,? and in accordance with which 
belief Zoroaster’s fravashi had in fact existed several thousands of 
years. ‘The classical material on the subject is here presented. 


ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 153 


1§o0 the general classical statements of ‘5000 years before the Trojan 
war,’ or the like, although some variant readings 500 (for 5000) are found. 
The number 5000 (6000) is, however, the correct one. 

2 According to the chronology of the Bindahishn 34. 7, Zoroaster appeared 
at the end of the ninth millennium: compare, West, Bundahish transl. 
SBE. v. 149-151 notes; Spiegel, Hranische Alterthumskunde, i. 500-508 ; 
Windischmann, Zoroastrische Studien, 147-165 ; also Plutarch Js. et Os. 47, 
@cdrouros 5é dno KaTad Tors mdyous avd mépos TpirxiAca Ern Toy MEY Kparely, 
Toy d& Kpateto0a Tay OeGy, UAXa SE TpirxXfAla paxeOat Kal woAcHeiv Kal dvadvew 
Tad ToD Erépou Téy Erepov’ TéAos 5 amorclmerOat Toy “ALdnv. 


(a) Pliny the Elder (a.p. 23-79), N. H. 30. 2.1 [Wn. 279, 288], 
cites the authority of Eudoxus of Cnidus (8.c. 368), of Aristotle 
(z.c. 850), and of Hermippus (c. B.c. 250), for placing Zoroaster 
6000 years before the death of Plato or 5000 years before the Trojan 
war: Hudoxus, qui inter sapientiae sectas clarissimam utilissimamque 
eam (artem magicam) intellegi voluit, Zoroastrem hunc sex milibus 
annorum ante Platonis mortem fuisse prodidit ; sic et Aristoteles. Her- 
mippus qui de tota ea arte diligentissime scripsit et viciens centum milia 
versuum a Zoroastre condita indicibus quoque voluminum eius positis 
explanavit, praeceptorem, a quo institutum diceret, credidit Agonacen, 
ipsum vero quinque milibus annorum ante Troianum bellum fuisse. 
For that reason apparently (NV. H. 30. 2. 11) he speaks of Moses as 
living multis milibus annorum post Zoroastrem. But Pliny also ex- 
presses uncertainty as to whether there was one or two Zoroasters, 
and he mentions a later Proconnesian Zoroaster: N. H. 30. 2. 1 sine 
dubio illic (ars Magica) orta in Perside a Zoroastre, ut tmter auctores 
convenit. Sed unus hie fuerit, an postea et alius, non satis constat ; 
and after speaking of Osthanes, the Magian who accompanied Xerxes 
to Greece, he adds: (N. H. 30. 2. 8.) diligentiores paulo ante hunc 
(Osthanem) ponunt Zoroastrem alium Proconnesium. Pliny’s Pro- 
connesian Zoroaster must have flourished about the seventh or sixth 
century. [See Appendix V. § 5, below. ] 

(b) Plutarch (a.p. 1st century), adopts likewise the same general 
statement that places the prophet Zoroaster about 5000 years before 
the Trojan war: Is. et Os. 46 (ed. Parthey, p. 81), Zwpdacrprs (sic) 6 
pdyos, ov wevrakioyiAlos ereot TOV TPULK@Y yeyovevat TpeTBiTEpoV LaTOpovoww. 
[See Appendix V. § 6, below. ] 

(c) The Scholion to the Platonic Alcibiades I. 122 (ed. Baiter, 
Orelli et Winckelmann, p. 918), makes a statement, in substance 
tantamount to the last one, as follows:  Zwpodorpys dpxasorepos 
éLaxuryidiors éreow elvou A€yerau LAdrwvos. [See Appendix V. § 1.] 


154 APPENDIX II 


[= orig. p. 4] (d) Diogenes Laertius (A.p. 2d, 3d century), de Vil. 

Philos. Prom. 2 (recens. Cobet, Paris, 1850, p. 1), 
similarly quotes Hermodorus (8.c. 250%), the follower of Plato, 
as authority for placing Zoroaster’s date at 5000 years before the 
fall of Troy, or, as he adds on the authority of Xanthus of Lydia 
(z.c. 500-450), Zoroaster lived 6000 years (some MSS. 600) before 
Xerxes. The text runs: dzd 8 rov Mdyov, dv dpa Zwpoaorpyy TOV 
Iépony, ‘Eppddwpos pev 6 Wdarwvixds €v TO zrept paOnparwv poo eis THY 
Tpolas dAwow ern yeyovévae mevrakirxiAua.* EdvOos 6¢ 6 Avods eis tiv 
Fépfov SutBaow ad tod Zwpoaorpov Eaxuryidud pyc, Kal per avTov 
yeyovévas rodAovs Twas Mé-yous Kara diadoxyy, "Oordvas Kat ’Aotpapyixous 
kat TwBpvas cat Uagaras, péxpe tis tov Uepoor im “AXeeavdpov Kara- 
Avcews. [See Appendix V. § 15.] 

(e) Lactantius, Inst. 7. 15, must have entertained some similar 
opinion regarding Zoroaster; for he speaks of Hystaspes (famous as 
Zoroaster’s patron) as being an ancient king of Media long before 
the founding of Rome: Hyslaspes quoque, qui fuit Medorum rex 
antiquissimus . . . sublatum iri ex orbe imperium nomenque Roma- 
num multo ante praefatus est, quam illa Trotana gens conderetur 
(cf. Migne, Patrolog. tom. 6 and Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 259, 
293). 

(f) Suidas (10th century A.p.), 8. v. Zwpoacrpys, speaks of two 
Zoroasters, of whom one lived 500 (read 5000) years before the 
Trojan war, while the other was an astronomer of the time of Ninus 
— éyévero 8é rpd tov Tpwikov éreow ¢. 

(g) Georgius Syncellus, Chronographia, i. p. 147, ed. Dindorf, 
alludes to a Zoroaster as one of the Median rulers over Babylon. 
Cf. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 802, and Haug, A Lecture on Zoro- 
aster, p. 23, Bombay, 1865. On Syncellus’ citation of Cephalion, 
see next page. 


A. II. Allusions associating Zoroaster’s Name with Semiramis 
and Ninus. 


Second to be considered is a series of statements which connect 
the name of Zoroaster with that of the more or less uncertain Ninus 
and Semiramis. These references also are confined almost exclu- 
sively to the classics, and the difficulty with them is that, in addi- 
tion to their general character, which bears a legendary coloring, 
they are based apparently upon a misinterpretation of the name 





ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 155 


’Ogvdprys or its variants in a fragment of Ctesias (discussed below), 
which has been understood as an allusion to Zoroaster. 


1 The date of Semiramis, however, is regarded by Lehmann (Berliner 
Philolog. Wochenblatt, Nr. 8, col. 239-240, 17 Febr. 1894, comparing Hdt. 
1. 184) to be about B.c. 800. 


(a) The authority of Ctesias (B.c. 400) is quoted by Diodorus 
Siculus (A.p. 1st century) 2. 6, for the statement that Ninus with 
a large army invaded Bactria and by the aid of Semiramis gained 
a victory over King Oxyartes. See Fragments of the Persika of 
Ktesias, ed. Gilmore, p. 29. Instead of the name “Ogvdprns, the 
manuscript variants show “Eyadprys, Xadprys, Zadprys. The last 
somewhat recalls the later Persian form of the name Zoroaster; and 
Cephalion, Justin, Eusebius, and Arnobius, drawing 
on Ctesias, make Zoroaster a Bactrian or the opponent [= orig. p. 5] 
of Ninus (see below); but "Ogvaprys may very well be 
an independent name, identical as far as form goes with Av. 
uasyat-arata, Yt. 13. 128, and it is doubtless the better Greek reading. 
The other statements are here given as they similarly come into 
consideration with respect to Zoroaster’s native place. They are: — 

(b) Fragments of Cephalion (a.p. 120), preserved in the Arme- 
nian version of Eusebius, Chron. 1. 453, ed. Aucher: a passage 
describes the defeat of Zoroaster the Magian, king of the Bactrians, 
by Semiramis: “ Incipio scribere de quibus et alii commemorarunt 
atque imprimis Hellanicus Lesbius Ctesiasque Cnidius, deinde Herodo- 
tus Halicarnassus.. Primum Asiae imperarunt Assyrii, ex quibus 
erat Ninus Beli (filius), cuius regni aetate res quam plurimae celeber- 
rimaeque virtutes gestae fuerunt.” Postea his adiciens profert etiam 
generationes Semiramidis atque (narrat) de Zoroastri Magi Bactriano- 
rum regis certamine ac debellatione a Semiramide: nec non tempus 
Nini LIT annos fuisse, atque de obitu eius. Post quem quum regnas- 
set Semiramis, muro Babylonem circumdedit ad eandem formam, qua 
a plerisque dictum est: Ctesia nimirum et Zenone Herodotoque nec 
non aliis ipsorum posteris. Deinde etiam apparatum belli Semirami- 
dis adversus Indos eiusdemque cladem et fugam narrat, etc. This 
statement is recorded by Georgius Syncellus (¢. A.p. 800), Chron., ed. 
Dind. i. p. 315: “"Apyopa ypadew, ap’ Gv addrow Te Euvynpdovevoay, Kal Ta 
mpara ‘EAXdviKds te 6 AéoBuos Kat Kryoins 6 Kvidws, érecra “Hpddoros 6 
‘AXikapvace’s. 7d makadv tas “Aclas éBacirevoay “Acovpion, tov dé 6 
Bydov Nivos.” cir érdyer yeveow Sepupapews kal Zopodotpov payou (MSS. 


156 APPENDIX II 


Barov) ere vB’ ris Nivov Baoircias. picO” Ov BaBvdAdva, yoy, 7} Seutpapus 
érelxioe, TpOTov Hs TOAAOIs AeAeKTar, Kryoia, Zyvov. (Miller, Acivwrr), 
‘Hpodetw Kai trois per’ abtovs* otpatetny te abrns Kata Tov Ivddv Kal qrrav 
x. 7. A. Cf. also Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 303, Spiegel, Hran. 
Alter. 1. 676-677 ; Miller, Frag. Hist. Gr. iii. 627. Furthermore, on 
the reputed work of the Armenian Moses of Khorene, i. 16, see Gil- 
more, Atesias Persika, p.30, u.; Spiegel, Hran. Alter. i. 682; Windisch- 
mann, Zor. Stud. pp. 304-805; Miller, Frag. Hist. Gr. 111. 627, v. 
328; Langlois, Historiens de ? Arménie, 11. 45-175, Paris, 1867-1869. 
[The Armenian Thomas Arzrouni associates Zoroaster’s name with 
Semiramis. See Appendix VI. ] 


1 This mention of Herodotus might possibly be adduced as an argument 
that Herodotus was at least acquainted with the name of Zoroaster. 


(c) Again, Theon (A.p. 150 ?), Progymnasmata 9, rept cvyKpiceus, 
ed. Spengel, Rhet. Gree. i. p. 115, speaks of “Zoroaster the 
Bactrian” in connection with Semiramis: Od yap ei Topupis xpetrrwv 
eoti Kvpov 7) kal vat wa Ala Seutpaps Zwpoacrpov tov Baxtpiov, 7dn cvyxo- 
pytéov Kat 70 OAAV Tod appevos avdpeorepov etva. Cf. Windischmann, 
Zor. Stud. p. 290, Spiegel Eran. Alterthumsk. 1. 677. [See Appen- 

Gix Via8"s.)] 
[= orig. p. 6] (d) Justin (A.p. 120), in his epitome of Trogus Pom- 
peius’ Hist. Philippic. 1.1, distinctly makes Zoroaster 
the opponent of Ninus, and says that he was king of Bactria and 
a Magician: postremum bellum ili fuit cum Zoroastre, rege Bactrian- 
orum, qui primus dicitur artes magicas invenisse et mundi principia 
siderumque motus diligentissime spectasse. [See Appendix VY. § 10.] 

(e) Arnobius (A.p.. 297), Adversus Gentes, 1. 5, in like manner 
mentions a battle between the Assyrians and the Bactrians under 
the leadership respectively of Ninus and Zoroaster: inter Assyrios 
et Bactrianos, Nino quondam Zoroastreque ductoribus. See Gilmore, 
Ktesias, p. 36. [See Appendix V. § 16.] 

(f) Eusebius (A.p. 300), Chron. 4. 35, ed. Aucher, has a like allu- 
sion: Zoroastres Magus rex Bactrianorum clarus habetur adversum 
quem Ninus dimicavit; and again (Windischmann, p. 290), Praepara- 
tio Evang. 10. 9, 10, ed. Dind. I. p. 560, Nivos, xa’ dv Zwpoaarpys 6 
Mayos Baxtpiwy ¢Baciievoe. [See Appendix V. § 18.] 

(g) Paulus Orosius (5th century a.p.), the Spanish presbyter, of 
whose chronicle we have also King Alfred’s Anglo-Saxon version, 
states that Ninus conquered and slew Zoroaster of Bactria, the 


ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 157 


Magician. See Orosius, Old-English Text and Latin Original, ed. by 
Henry Sweet (Early Eng. Text Soc. vol. 79), p. 30-31: Novissime 
Zoroastrem Bactrianorum regem, eundemque magicae artis repertorem, 
pugna oppressum interfecit. Or, in Anglo-Saxon, and hé Ninus Soro- 
astrem Bactriana cyning, se cuthe wrest manna drycreftas, hé hine 
oferwann and ofsloh. 

(h) Suidas in his Lexicon (s. v. Zoroaster) assumes the existence 
of two Zoroasters (cf. p. 4 = p. 154), the second an astrologer: ’Acrpo- 
vomos ert Nivov Bacirews ’Acovpiwv. [Appendix V. § 45.] 

(i) In the Snorra Edda Preface, Zoroaster is identified with Baal 
or Bel, ef. Jackson in PAOS., March, 1894, vol. xvi. p. exxvi. [See 
Appendix VI.] 

(j) In some Syriac writers and elsewhere an identification of 
Zoroaster with Balaam is recorded, for example in the Lexicon of 
Bar ‘Ali (¢. a.p. 832), s. v. Balaam, ‘Balaam is Zardosht, the di- 
viner of the Magians.’? See Gottheil, References to Zoroaster in 
Syriac and Arabic Lit. pp. 27, 50 n., 32 (Drisler Classical Studies, 
N. Y., 1894). Sometimes he is only compared with Balaam. [An 
association of his name with Ham, Seth, and Abraham, is also found. | 


A. III. The Native Tradition, as to Zoroaster’s Date. 


Third, the direct Persian tradition comes finally into considera- 
tion. This tradition is found in the chronological chapter of the 
Bindahishn, 34. 1-9, is supported by the Arta Viraf, 1. 2-5 [and 
Zat-sparam, 23. 12], and is corroborated by abundant Arabic allu- 
sions (Albirtini, Mastidi, et al.). It unanimously places the opening 
of Zoroaster’s ministry at 258 years before the era of Alexander, or 
272 years before the close of the world-conqueror’s dominion. 
According to these figures, the date of Zoroaster would fall between 
the latter half of the seventh century B.c. and the middle of the 
sixth century; his appearance in fact would be placed 
in the period just preceding the rise of the Achae- [= orig. p. 7] 
menian dynasty. This merits attention also in detail. 

(a) The Arta Viraf 1. 1-5 in round numbers places Zoroaster 
three hundred years before Alexander’s invasion. Compare Haug 
and West, Arda Viraf, p. 141. ‘The pious Zaratusht made the reli- 
gion which he had received, current in the world, and till the end of 
300 years the religion was in purity and men were without doubts. 
But afterwards the accursed Evil Spirit, the wicked one, in order to 
make men doubtful of this religion, instigated the accursed Alexan- 


158 APPENDIX II 


der, the Riman, who was dwelling in Egypt, so that he came to the 
country of Iran with severe cruelty and war and devastation; he 
also slew the ruler of Iran, and destroyed the metropolis and empire.’ 
[The Zat-sparam 23. 12 likewise alludes to the fact that the religion 
remained undisturbed ‘until the 300th year’ ]. 

(b) The Bandahishn chapter (ch. 34) ‘on the reckoning of the 
years’ (to which one MS. adds —‘of the Arabs’) more exactly com- 
putes the various millenniums that made up the 12,000 years of the 
great world-cycle recognized by the worshippers of Mazda. In this 
period the era of Zoroaster falls at the close of the first 9000 years. 
He is placed in reality at the beginning of the historic period, if the 
long reigns attributed to KatVishtasp and to Vohtman son of 
Spend-dait (Av. Spento-data, N. P. Isfendiar), may with reasonably 
fair justice be explained as that of a ruling house. There seems at 
least no distinct ground against such assumption. [West also 
explains the fabulous length of 120 years for Vishtasp’s reign, or B.c. 
660-540, as representing a short dynasty —SBEH. xlvui. Introd. 
§ 70]. The Bundahishn passage, 34. 7-8, in West’s translation (SBE. 
vy. 150-151) reads, (7) ‘ Kai-Vishtasp, till the coming of the religion, 
thirty years, altogether a hundred and twenty years. (8) Voht- 
man, son of Spend-dat, a hundred and twelve years; Himai, who 
was daughter of Vohtiman, thirty years; Darai, son of Cihar-azad, 
that is, of the daughter of Vohiiman, twelve years; Darai, son of 
Darai, fourteen years; Alexander the Riman, fourteen years.’ 


Vishtasp, after coming of religion. . . . . +.» ~ 90 
Wohtman Spend-dat, “Gc s ei « n »,« ente as. @) ke 


UIA, ee tn en cok eo eoaee Ih ep eepe nese hey eeeioO 
Dara Ciharsazit: 3 Nice © < e Gey Pele ae ae ee, ee 
T)ALALTCD TAT ora Mice OV Ye eyee ie, ote Mee ae ee iy te, ee tae 
Mexander Ruman © % % = 0) % 2s 1 eet me Me 

272 


The result therefore gives 272 years from ‘the coming of the 
religion’ until the close of the dominion of Alexander the Great, or 
258 years before the beginning of his power. A repeated tradition 
exists that Zoroaster was forty-two years old when he first converted 
King Vishtaspa, who became his patron. If we interpret ‘the 
coming of the religion’ to mean its acceptance by Vishtaspa, we 
must add 42 years to the number 258 before Alexander in order to 
obtain the traditional date of Zoroaster’s birth. This would answer 


ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 159 


to the ‘three hundred years before Alexander’ of the Arta Viraf. 
If, however, we take the phrase ‘coming of the religion’ 
to mean the date of Zoroaster’s entry upon his ministry [=orig. p. 8] 
(as does West, SBE. v. 219), we must then add 30 
years, which was Zoroaster’s age when he beheld his first vision of 
Ormazd. [The latter view is the correct one as shown by West. It 
is worth remarking that as Zoroaster’s revelation and the ‘coming 
of the religion’ are placed in the thirtieth year of Vishtasp’s reign 
as well as of the Prophet’s life, both men accordingly would be 
represented as born in the same year if we adopt an Oriental custom 
in dating a king’s accession to the throne from the day of his birth. ] 
A calculation based upon the figures of this tradition would place 
Zoroaster’s birth 42 years + 258 years (= 300 years) before B.c. 330, 
the date of the fall of the Iranian kingdom through Alexander’s 
conquest; in other words it would assign Zoroaster’s birth to about 
p.c. 630. [But as West has shown (SBE. xlvii. $$ 53-54), there is 
an evident omission of 35 years in the reckoning; he accounts for 
this error and combines the items, 272 years of Bd. 34. 7-8 with this 
date of Alexander’s death, n.c. 323, and with the 30th year of 
Zoroaster’s life in which the Revelation came, and he finds B.c. 660 
as the traditional date of the birth of Zoroaster and of Vishtasp’s 
accession. See below, Appendix III.] According to the same tradi- 
tion the duration of the various reigns of the Kayanian dynasty 
would be about as follows [West’s corrected chronology now 
included]: — 


Reigned Fictitious [West’s correction, 
King. years. date B.c. including 35 years. | 
VAShtaSDN evs Melons Outen 120 618-498 660-540 
Vohiman (Ardashir Dirazdast) . 112 498-386 540-428 
Iehpaenenh (5 6h Ge Sa A ge pe cee 30 386-356 428-363 
ID ERE NS. siete Guia ret oM Seno ntS 12 356-344 363-351 
IDATAI-UDATAI | ae ps ieee) =e, 14 344-330 351-337 
[Accession of Alexander tohisinvasion .... . 337-331] 


The results would be somewhat altered if the computation be made 
according to lunar years or if a different point of departure be taken. 
The excessive lengths of the reigns of Vishtasp and Vohiman seem 
suspicious and suggest round numbers unless we are to interpret 
them as comprising successive rulers; for example, in historic times, 
beside Hystaspes, the father of Darius, we have the names of two 
other Hystaspes, later connected with the ruling house of Bactria.’ 


160 APPENDIX II 


The historic reigns of the Achaemenians may be compared (cf. 
Stokvis, Manuel d Histoire, p. 107). 


CUYTUS Mie! ish Galas usiwisuetedaie le) heist all Jejiee tec ge UBSCnOOS Oso 
GAT V SES) Tes Wier vig) eae nates) tron toute els ella tees 529-521 
MATS AMES etek SiS Rage Rey eects) puree [oe Boro eh te 521-485 
EXIOIOS Wieitisauecnde) WAC moda tom haeiete enter metal ear) hele 485-465 
Artaxerxes LOngImanus =. 2 90 2 «© 2 « « 465-425 
I ATIUS SNOCHOS/ ancy eels secateveces Nell tes ins e 1o-kele uo 425-405 
Artaxerxes: Mnemon % snus) see 8s 405-3862 
cATUARCEXCS OCIS. te fete uit weu oe) Oy mae peas vie ws 862-340 
[RASESES | nemo taev tyme cHen irate remeset nen) den gr ct Ma stele 340-3837 
Dariisi|Codomannuseee sae e ciel ee net!) 337-830 


Comparison may be made, as with West, identifying the long reign 
of Vohtiman who is called Ardashir (Artaxerxes or Ardashir 
Dirazdast ‘the long-handed’) with Artaxerxes Longimanus and _ his 
successors. Historical grounds throughout seem to favor this. For 
Himai, West suggests Parysatis as a possibility. The last two 
Darais answer to Ochus and Codomannus, and the reign of Kai- 
Vishtasp ‘seems intended to cover the period from Cyrus to Xerxes’ 
(West). There seems every reason to identify Vohtman Ardashir 
Dirazdast with Artaxerxes Longimanus, according to the Bahman 
Yasht (Byt. 2. 17), as this Kayanian king ‘makes the religion 
current in the whole world.’* One might be possibly tempted to 
regard the Vishtasp reign as representing the Bactrian rule until 
Artaxerxes, and assume that Zoroastrianism then became the faith 

of Persis.2 This might account for the silence as to 
[= orig. p.9] the early Achaemenians and shed some light on the 

problem concerning the Achaemenians as Zoroastrians ; 
but there seems to be no historic foundation for such assumption. 
Suffice here to have presented the tradition in regard to the reigns 
of the Kayanian kings as bearing on Zoroaster’s date and the tradi- 
tional 258 years before Alexander as the era of ‘the coming of the 
religion.’ 

1 See genealogical tables of the Achaemenidae in Stokvis, Manwel d’ His- 
toire, de Généalogie, et de Chronologie, p. 108 (Leide, 1888) ; Pauly, Real- 
Encyclopedie, article ‘ Achaemenidae’ ; Justi, Geschichte des alten Persiens, 
p. 15; Iranisches Namenbuch, p. 898-399 ; and Smith, Classical Dictionary, 
article ‘ Hystaspes.’ 

2 West, Bundahish translated, SBE. vy. 150 n., 198 n. 


8 De Harlez, Avesta traduit, Introduction p. ccxxviii, thinks that the early 
Achaemenians were intentionally sacrificed. Spiegel, ZDMG. xlv. 203, 


ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 161 


identifies the first Darai with Darius I., and believes that he was misplaced 
in the kingly list. This I doubt. 

4 West, Byt. transl., SBH. v. 199. [See also above, pp. 81-82. Consult 
J. H, Moulton in The Thinker, ii. 498-501. ] 

5 Dubeux, La Perse, p. 57, sharply separates the Oriental account of the 
Persian kings from the historical account. 


(c) The sum of 258 years is given also by so careful an inves- 
tigator as Albirtini (A.p. 973-1048). His statements are based on 
the authority of ‘the scholars of the Persians, the Hérbadhs and 
Maubadhs of the Zoroastrians.’? In his Chronology of Ancient Nations, 
p. 17, 1. 17 (transl. Sachau), is found a statement of the Persian view 
in regard to Zoroaster’s date: ‘from his (7.e. Zoroaster’s) appearance 
till the beginning of the Ara Alexandri,? they count 258 years.’ 
Several times he gives the received tradition that Zoroaster appeared 
in the 30th year of the reign of Vishtasp. In another place, Chron. 
p- 196 (transl. Sachau), he gives further information in regard to 
Zoroaster’s time: ‘On the 1st Ramadan A.n. 519 came forward Ibn 
?Abi-Zakarriyad. ... If, now, this be the time (@e. A.n. 319 = A.D. 
931) which Jamasp and Zaradusht meant, they are right as far as 
chronology is concerned. For this happened at the end of the Aira 
Alexandri 1242, 7.e. 1500 years after Zaradusht.’ From this state- 
ment we may compute back to the year B.c. 569 as a date when a 
prophecy is supposed to have been made by Zoroaster and Jamasp. 
Albirini is not exhausted yet. In Chron. 121 (transl. Sachau), he 
says, ‘we find the interval between Zoroaster and Yazdajird ben 
Shapir to be nearly 970 years.’ This gives the date about B.c. 571 
if we count Yazdajird’s reign as A.p. 399-420. Furthermore the 
carefully constructed tables which Albirini gives from various sources 
are interesting and instructive, owing to their exact agreement with 
the reigns of the Kayanian kings as recorded in the Buandahishn. 
Thus, Chron. p. 112, 107-114 (transl. Sachau) : — 


Kai Vishtasp till the appearance of Zoroaster. . . . . 80 
Mheysamenatverthatevyentyn i uit i ieneieciitel loi ven men NO) 
Kai Ardashir Bahman (Vohtman) . . . «+ . . . L112 
Rehunnama Cima) eh le Beh ese eh tas ek wi he ce Saye BO 
DATA t tne hii ron ED nbs aS ene Lave (lb UD cb. foi! lean rely vocsben, Ve 
TOES Crea D Ere ae Ney eAURIC) aR PS a 


On p. 115 he contrasts these dates with those given by [= orig. p. 10] 

early occidental authorities. Finally, Chron. p. 32 

(transl. Sachau), the name of Thales is brought into connection with 
M 


162 APPENDIX II 


Zoroaster, cf. p. 169, n. 3 below. So much for the information fur- 
nished by Albirtni. 


1 Albiriini, Chronology of Ancient Nations, transl.and ed. by Sachau, p. 109. 

2 According to Albirini, p. 382 (transl. Sachau) the Aira Alexandri would 
date from the time when Alexander left Greece at the age of twenty-six 
years, preparing to fight with Darius. 


(d) Of somewhat earlier date but identical in purport is the state- 
ment found in Masiidt’s Meadows of Gold, written in a.p. 943-944 (Ma- 
siidi died a.p. 957). Like the Bandahishn and like Albirani, Masadi 
reports that ‘the Magians count a period of two hundred and fifty- 
eight (258) years between their prophet Zoroaster and Alexander.’? 
He reiterates this assertion in Jndicatio et Admonitio? by saying 
‘between Zoroaster and Alexander there are about three hundred 
years.’ Nearly the same, but not exactly identical figures, are found 
as in the Biindahishn, regarding the length of the reigns of the various 
Kayanian kings; Zoroaster is stated, as elsewhere, to have appeared 
in the thirtieth (30) year of Vishtdsp’s reign and he dies at the age 
of seventy-seven (77) after having taught for thirty-five (35) years.* 
The statement that Zoroaster lived to the age of 77 years is also 
found elsewhere.* What Masidi has to say on the subject of Nebu- 
chadnezzavr’s being alieutenant of Lohrasp (Aurvat-aspa) and regard- 
ing Cyrus as contemporary with Bahman will be mentioned below, 
as a similar statement occurs in the Dinkart (Bk. 5). [West, SBE. 
xlvii. 120. | 


1 Mastidi (Macgoudi), Les Prairies d’Or, Texte et traduction par Barbier 
de Meynard, iv. 107 ‘Les Mages comptent entre leur prophéte Zoroastre, 
fils d’Espiman, et Alexandre, une période de deux cent cinquante-huit ans. 
Entre Alexandre, qu’ils font régner six ans, et l’avénement d’Ardéchir, cing 
cent dix-sept ans ; enfin entre Ardéchir et ’hégire cing cent soixante-quatre 
ans... durégne d’ Alexandre & la naissance du Messie, trois cent soixante- 
neuf ans; de la naissance du Messie & celle du Prophéte cing cent vingt 
et un ans.’ Observe especially that Mastidi in Indicatio et Admonitio, 
(p. 827-828) accounts for the intentional shortening of the period between 
Alexander and Ardashir. What he has to say on this subject is worth 
looking wp in connection with SBE. vy. 151 n. 

2 Masiidi, Le Livre de U Indication et de V Admonition (in Prairies @’ Or, 
ix. p. 327), ‘ Zoroastre fils de Poroschasp fils d’Asinman, dans I’ Avesta, qui 
est le livre qui lui a été révélé, annonce que, dans trois cents ans, l’empire 
des Perses éprouvera une grande réyolution, sans que la religion soit détruite ; 
mais qu’au bout de mille ans, l’empire et la religion périront en méme 
temps. Or entre Zoroastre et Alexandre il y a environ trois cents ans; car 


ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 163 


Zoroastre a paru du temps de Caibistasp, fils de Cailohrasp, comme nous 
V’avons dit ci-devant.’ See Masidi, Kitab al-Tanbih, p. 90 seq., ed. de 
Goeje, Leyden, 1894. Compare also Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, p. 35 
(in Drisler Classical Studies, New York, 1894); [and Le Livre de l’ Avertisse- 
ment, traduction par B. C. de Vaux (Société Asiatique), p. 140, Paris, 1896]. 

8 Masudi, Prairies d’ Or, ii. p. 125, ed. Barbier de Meynard. ‘ Youstasf 
(Gustasp) régna aprés son pére (Lohrasp) et résida & Balkh. I] était sur le 
troéne depuis trente ans, lorsque Zeradecht, fils d’Espiman 
se présenta devant lui. . . (p. 127). Youstasf régna cent [=orig. p. 11] 
vingt ans avant d’adopter la religion des Mages, puis il 
mourut. La prédication de Zeradecht dura trente-cing ans, et il mourut 
agé de soixante et dix-sept ans.’ The detailed reigns (Masiidi, op. cit. ii. 
126-129) are Vishtasp 120 years, Bahman 112, Himai 30 (or more), Dara 
12, Dara son of Dara 30, Alexander 6 (cf. vol. iv. p. 107 ‘ Alexandre, qu’ils 
font régner six ans’). The latter would answer pretty nearly to the com- 
monly received years of Alexander in Persia, B.c. 380-323. Observe that 
the years of the last three reigns vary somewhat from the Bindahishn. 
Deducting from Vishtasp’s reign the 30 years till Zoroaster appeared and 
counting simply to the coming of Alexander, the resulting 274 years would 
place Zoroaster’s appearance at B.c. 604 or, if 42 years old at the time, his 
birth at s.c. 646. [See now West’s correction which gives B.c. 660.] But 
notice that instead of 274 years as here, Mastidi elsewhere says (Prairies 
@ Or, iv. 106, quoted above) there were 258 years between Zoroaster and 
Alexander. 

4 E.g. Dinkart Bk.7. 5. 1 (communication from West) and in the Rivayats. 


(e) The period at which the Arabic chronicler Tabari (died a.p. 
923)" places Zoroaster in his record of Persian reigns, is practically 
identical with the preceding in its results, although he occasionally 
differs in the length of the individual reigns, e.g. Bahman 80 years 
(although he mentions that others say 112 years), Himai about 20 
years, Dara 23 years. He tells also of a tradition that makes of 
Zoroaster one of the disciples of Jeremiah. The latter, according 
to the generally accepted view, began to prophesy about B.c. 626. 
These points will be spoken of again below. 


1See Zotenberg, Chronique de Tabari, traduite sur la version persane 
@ Abou-Ali Mo‘hammed Bel'ami, tome i. 491-508, Paris, 1867. 


(f) The Dabistain (translated by Shea and Troyer, i. 306-309) nar- 
rates that the holy cypress which Zoroaster had planted at Kishmar 
in Khorassan [I formerly wrongly read Kashmir] and which was 
cut down by the order of Mutawakkal, tenth khalif of the Abbas- 
sides (reigned a.p. 846-860), had stood ‘fourteen hundred and fifty 
years (1450) from the time of its being planted, to the year 232 of 


164 APPENDIX II 


the Hejirah (a.p. 846).’ If these years be reckoned as solar years, 
according to the custom of the ancient Persians, and counted from 
the beginning of Mutawakkal’s reign, the date of the planting of 
the cypress would be s.c. 604; but if reckoned according to the 
lunar calendar of the Mohammedans (i.e. equivalent to 1408 solar 
years), the epoch would be x.c. 562.1. The former date (%.c. 604) 
recalls the reckoning of Masidi alluded to above, on p. 10 [= p. 162]. 
The event of the planting must have been an occasion of special 
moment; from a reference to the same in Firdausi (translation by 
Mohl, iv. 291-293, Paris, 1877), the conversion of Vishtaspa is per- 
haps alluded to. If the conversion of Vishtaspa really be alluded 
to, 42 years must be added to give the approximate date of Zoro- 
aster’s birth. Perhaps, however, some other event in the prophet’s 
life is commemorated.? In any case the results lead us to the latter 
part of the seventh century s.c. and the first part of the sixth century. 
[See now above, p. 80.] 


1 See the calculation [of Anquetil du Perron, in Kleuker, Anh. zum ZA. 
i. Thl. 1. pp. 346-347, and] of Shea and Troyer, Dabistan, 
[= orig. p.12] translated, i. 808, n., Paris, 1843 and Mirkhond’s History of 
the Early Kings of Persia, transl. Shea, p. 281-282, London, 
1832. According to E. Réth, ‘ Zoroastrische Glaubenslehre’ in Geschichte 
unserer abendliindischen Philosophie, i. 350, the era of the cypress is B.c. 
560. This is adopted by Floigl, Cyrus und Herodot, p. 15, 18 (Leipzig, 
1881). [On Kishmar consult also Vullers, Fragmente, p. 113]. 
2 In case the 1450 years be reckoned back from the date of Mutawakkal’s 
death (a.p. 860) instead of from the beginning of his power, the numbers 
would be respectively s.c. 590 (if solar), or p.c. 548 (if lunar). 


(g) The figures of the chapter-headings in the Shah Namah of Fir- 
dausi (A.p. 940-1020) likewise place the opening of Vishtaspa’s 
reign at about three hundred years before Alexander’s death." 


1 Firdusii Schahname, ed. Vullers-Landauer, iii. p. 1495 seq. See aiso 
Shea and Troyer’s Dabistan, Introd. i. p. Ixxxvi and p. 380. Consult the 
chapter-headings of the reigns in Mohl’s translation of Firdausi, vols. iv.—v. 
Observe that Bahman is assigned only 99 years instead of the usual 112 ; 
the duration of Vishtadspa’s reign is given in Mohl, vol. iv. 587, ‘cent vingt 
ans’ in harmony with the usual tradition. 


(h) The Persian historical work, Mujmal al-Tawarikh (a.m. 520 
= A.p. 1126),! following the authority of the Chronicle of the Kings 
of Persia, brought from Farsistén by Bahram, son of Merdanshah, 


ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 165 


Mobed of Shapur, enumerates 258 years before Alexander.” The 
Ulama-i Islam counts three hundred.* 


1 See Extraits du Modjmel al-Tewarikh, relatifs a UVhistoire de la Perse, 
traduits du persan, par Jules Mohi (Journal Asiatique, tome xi. pp. 136, 
258, 820, Paris, 1841). 

2Cf. op. cit. p. 230. The author acknowledges indebtedness also to 
Hamzah of Isfahan, Tabari, and Firdausi. His chronology may be deduced 
from pp. 330-339 of the work cited; it runs, Lohrasp 120 years, Gushtasp 
120 years, Bahman 112, Hiimai 30, Darab 12 [or 14], Dara son of Darab 14 
[or 16], Alexander 14 [or 28]. Observe the alternative figures in the case 
of the last three numbers. 

According to Roth, Geschichte unserer abendlindischen Philosophie, i. 
351, the author of the Mujmal al-Tawarikh places Zoroaster 1700 years 
before his own time ; on this ground Roth places the death of Zoroaster at 
B.c. 522, and is followed by Floigl, Cyrus und Herodot, p.18. Cf. Kleuker’s 
Zend-Avesta, Anh. Bd. i. Theil 1, p. 547. 

3 See Vullers, Fragmente iiber Zoroaster, p. 58. 


(i) Interesting is the fact noticed by Anquetil du Perron,’ that a 
certain religious sect that immigrated into China a.p. 600 is evi- 
dently of Zoroastrian origin and that these believers have an era 
which dates approximately from s.c. 559; this date Anquetil 
regards as referring to the time when Zoroaster left his home and 
entered upon his mission—a sort of Iranian Hejirah. 


1 See Anquetil du Perron quoted by Kleuker, Anhang zum Zend-Avesta, 
Bd. i. Thl. 1, pp. 849-351 ; cited also by Shea, Mirkhond’s History, p. 282, 
and by Roth in Geschichte abendlind. Philosophie, i. 853 and note 566, and 
followed by Floigl, Cyrus und Herodot, p. 18. 


(j) Similar in effect as far as concerns the period at which they 
place the prophet, although of doubtful value or other- 
wise to be explained, are those Syriac and Arabic — [= orig. p. 13] 
reports which connect the name of Zoroaster with Jer- 
emiah and which make him the latter’s pupil or even identify him 
with Baruch the scribe of Jeremiah! Presumably this association 
is due to confusing the Arabic form of the name Jeremiah Armiah 
with Zoroaster’s supposed native place Urmiah (Urumiyah).’ 


1 (a) The Syro-Arabic Lexicon of Bar Bahlil (about a.p. 963) s.v. 
Kasoma (divinator) : ‘ Divinator, like Zardosht, who people say is Baruch 
the Scribe; and because the gift of prophecy was not accorded to him he 
went astray, journeyed to [other] nations and learned twelve tongues.’ Cf. 
Payne-Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, col. 8704. 


166 APPENDIX II 


(8) Also Bishop ‘Ishodad of Hadatha (about a.p. 852), commentary on 
Matth. ii. 1, ‘Some say that he (Zoroaster) is the same as Baruch the pupil 
of Eramya (Jeremiah), and that because the gift of prophecy was denied 
him as [had been] his wish, and because of that bitter exile and the sack 
of Jerusalem and the Temple, he became offended (or angry) and went 
away among other nations, learned twelve languages, and in them wrote 
that vomit of Satan, i.e. the book which is called Abhasta.’ Cf. Gottheil, 
References to Zoroaster, p. 29. 

(y) Identically, Solomon of Hilat (born about a.p. 1222), Book of the 
Bee, ‘this Zaradosht is Baruch the scribe,’ p. 81 seq., ed. Budge (Anecdota 
Oxoniensia), also E. Kuhn, Hine zoroastrische Prophezeiung in christlichem 
Gewande (Festgruss an R. von Roth, Stuttgart, 1895, p. 219). Consult 
especially Gottheil, References to Zoroaster (Drisler Classical Studies, New 
York, 1894). 

(8) Tabari (died a.p. 923) likewise notices the association of Zoroaster 
with Jeremiah. According to him ‘ Zoroaster was of Palestinian origin, a 
servant to one of the disciples of Jeremiah the prophet, with whom he was 
a favorite. But he proved treacherous and false to him. Wherefore God 
cursed him, and he became leprous. He wandered to Adarbaijain, and 
preached there the Magian religion. From there he went to Bishtasp 
(Vishtaspa), who was in Balkh. Now when he (Zoroaster) had come 
before him, and preached his doctrine to him, it caused him to marvel, and 
he compelled his people to accept it, and put many people to death on its 
account. Then they followed it (the religion). Bishtasp reigned one hun- 
dred and twelve (112) years.’ Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, p. 37. 
See also Chronique de Tabari tradwite par H. Zotenberg, i. p. 499. [In 
the story of the leprosy can there be some reminiscence of Elisha’s servant 
Gehazi, who was cursed with leprosy for falsehood after the cleansing of 
Naaman? See II. Kings, v. 1-27 and compare sara‘ath, p. 30 above, and 
Hyde, p. 314.] 

(e) The same general statements of Tabari are repeated by Ibn al-Athir 
(18th century) in his Aitéb al-Kamil fi al-tdarikh. See Gottheil, Refer- 
ences to Zoroaster, p. 39. 

(¢) Once the Syrian Gregorius Bar ‘Ebhraya Abulfaraj (c. a.p. 1250) 
calls Zoroaster a disciple of Elijah (mistake for Jeremiah ?), see Gottheil, 
References to Zoroaster, p. 32. 

(m) Similarly the Arab historian Abu Mohammed Mustapha calls Zoroaster 
a disciple of Ezir (Ezra), see Hyde, Hist. Relig. veterum Persarum, p. 313. 

2 So suggested by de Sacy, Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibl. 
du Roi, ii. 319, see Gottheil, References to Zoroaster (Drisler Classical 
Studies, p. 30 n.). [Anquetil du Perron’s view was, that this is owing to 
an unwillingness to attribute to the Persians a prophet of their own, with- 
out Semitic influence ; see his paragraph in Kleuker, Anh. zum ZA. i. Thi. 
1, p. 341. This is no doubt also true. See likewise p. 30 above. ] 


(k) Pointing to a similar era are the Pahlavi (Dinkart Bk. 5. and 
Mkh.) and Perso-Arabic allusions to Nebuchadnezzar as leutenant 


ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 167 


of Vishtasp’s predecessor, Lohrasp, and of Vishtasp himself as well 
as of his successor Bahman (Vohtman). [See also above, p. 91, n. 2.] 
In the same connection Cyrus’s name is joined with Vishtasp and 
Bahman.* 


1 (a) According to Tabari (10th century a.p.) and Mastdi, [= orig. p. 14] 
Nebuchadnezzar was lieutenant successively under Lohrasp, 
Vishtasp, and Bahman ; the tradition regarding Lohrasp’s taking of Jerusa- 
lem is found in the Pahlavi Dinkart Bk. 5 and Maindg-i Khirat 27. 66-67, 
transl. West, SBE. xxiv. 65. ‘Tabari (or rather the Persian version of the 
latter by Bel’ami) gives two different versions of the story (see Chronique 
de Tabari, traduite sur la version persane de Belami par H. Zotenberg, 
vol. i. pp. 491-507, Paris, 1867), and (‘Tabari op. cit. p. 503) the return of 
the Jews to Jerusalem is placed in the 70th year of Bahman. Signs of con- 
fusion are evident. So also in Mirkhond (15th century a.p.) who in his 
history repeats Tabari’s statement with reference to Nebuchadnezzar and 
Lohrasp, and makes Cyrus a son of Lohrasp although he is placed in the 
reign of Bahman. He regards Bahman (Vohiman) as a contemporary of 
Hippocrates (B.c. 460-357) and Zenocrates (B.c. 396-314) which would har- 
monize properly with the traditional dates above given (pp. 8-9 = pp. 159- 
160) for Bahman’s reign. See Shea, Mirkhond’s History, pp, 264, 291, 343). 

(8) Masidi is worth consulting on the same point, especially in respect 
to certain presumed relations between the Persians and the Jews. See 
Barbier de Meynard, Magoudi Les Prairies @ Or, ii. 119-128. 


(1) At this point may be mentioned two other allusions that place 
Zoroaster’s activity in the sixth century before the Christian era, 
although the former of these rests upon the identification of the 
prophet’s patron Vishtaspa with Hystaspes the father of Darius. 
The first of these allusions, that given by Ammianus Marcellinus 
(5th century .p.),' directly calls Vishtaspa (Hystaspes) the father 
of Darius, although Agathias (6th century A.p.)’ expresses uncertainty 
on this point. The second allusion is found in Eutychius, the 
Alexandrine Patriarch, who makes Zoroaster a contemporary of 
Cambyses and the Magian Smerdis,®? a view which is shared by the 
Syrian Gregorius Bar “Ebhraya Abulfaraj (c. A.p. 1250)* [and by the 
Arab chronologist al-Makin °]. 


1 Ammian. Marcell. 23. 6. 32, Magiam opinionum insignium auctor amplis- 
simus Plato, Machagistiam esse verbo mystico docet, divinorum incorruptissi- 
mum cultum, cuius scientiae saeculis priscis multa ex Chaldaeorum arcanis 
Bactrianus addidit Zoroastres, deinde Hystaspes rex prudentissimus, Darii 
pater. The general opinion is that ‘saeculis priscis’ is allowable in consid- 
eration of the thousand years that separated Zoroaster and Ammianus, 


168 APPENDIX II 


and assuming that Ammianus understood Zoroaster and Hystaspes to be 
contemporaries, cf. Kleuker, Anhang zum Zend-Avesta, Bd. i. Th. 1, p. 334. 

2 Agathias 2. 24, Zwpodorpov Tov ’Opudodews . . . ovTos 5t 6 Zwpoddos, ror 
Zapdins — ditty yap em adrt@ 7) emwvuula— éanvixa wey Heuace Thy apxny, kal rods 
vduous €0eT0, ov eveots capes diayvGvar. TWépoa 5€ adrdy of viv én) ‘Tordorew, 
otw 5 Tt amAGs Paci yeyovéevat, as Alay aupryvoetaba, Kal ovK elvar pabeiv, 
aérepov Aapelov marip etre kal &AXAOs ovTOs brApxev “Yordorns. [See Appendix 
V. § 35.) 

8 Rutychii Patriarchae Alexandrini Annales. Ilustr. Selden, interpr. E. 
Pocock. Oxon. 1658, pp. 262-263, Mortuo Cyro Dario Babelis rege, post 
ipsum imperavit Jilius ipsius Kambysus annos novem: post quem Samardius 
Magus annum unum. Hic, Magus cognominatus est quod ipsius tempore 
jloruerit Persa quidam Zaradasht (cmidly), qui Magorum religionem 
condidit aedibus igni dedicatus. Post ipsum regnavit Dara primus, annos 
viginti. Post illum Artachshast Longimanus cognominatus annos vigintt 
quattuor. On this authority Floigl, following Roth, wishes to assign the 
year of Zoroaster’s death to B.c. 522, ef. Cyrus und Herodot, p. 18, and 
Roth, Geschichte uns. abendliind. Philosophie i. 355. 

4 Bar ‘Ebhraya, Arabic Chronicon, p. 83, ed. Salhani, Beirut, 1890 (cited 
by Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, p.32). ‘In those days (of Cambyses) 
came Zaradosht chief of the Magian sect, by birth of Adarbaijan, or, as 
some say, of Athor (Assyria). It is reported that he was one of Elijah’s (!) 
disciples, and he informed the Persians of the sign of the birth of Christ.’ 

[> See Hyde Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. pp. 528-529. ] 


(m) Finally two other allusions are here added for the sake of 
completeness, as they have been interpreted as pointing to the fact 
that Zoroaster lived about the sixth century B.c. There seems to be 
nothing in them, however, to compel us to believe that Zoroaster is 
regarded as living only a short time before the events to which they 
allude. The first is a passage in Nicolaus Damascenus (1st century 
B.c.), who represents that when Cyrus was about to burn the unfort- 
unate Croesus, his attention was called to Zwpoarrpov Adywa, which 
forbade that fire should be defiled. The second item of information 
is found in such references as represent Pythagoras as following 
Zoroaster’s doctrines.? Lastly, the association of Zoroaster’s name 
with that of Thales, by Albirini, has been noted above.’ 


1 Nicolaus Damascenus Fragm. 65, Miiller Fragm. Hist. Gir. iii. 409 Sefuara 
Saiudvia evémurre, Kad of re THs SiBVAANS Xpnopol TA Te Zwpodorpov Adyia claret. 
Kpotoov piv ody eBdwy ere paAdov 7) wddar odCew. . . . Téy ye why Zwpodorpny 
Tépoae am’ éxetvov dietrav, pyre vexpods nalew, unt’ wrws pualvew ip, kal 
adAdat ToUTO KabecTHs TY vdumoy TéTE BeBatwoduevor. (Latin version) Persas 
... religio ac metus divtiim incessit: Sibyllae quoque vaticinia ac Zoroa- 
stris oracula in mentem veniebant. Itaque clamitabant, multo, quam antea, 


ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 169 


contentius, ut Croesus servaretur. ... At Persae exinde sanxerunt juxta 
praecepta Zoroastris, ne cadavera cremare neque ignem contaminare post- 
hac liceret, quod quum apud eos ex veteri instituto obtinuisset, tum magis 
confirmaverunt. Cf. de Harlez, Avesta traduit, Introd. pp. xliv, Lxvii. 

2 The principal references are to be found in Windischmann, Zoroastrische 
Studien, pp. 260-264, 274, from whose work they are taken. Several of these 
allusions mention Zoroaster’s name directly ; in others we may infer it, since 
Pythagoras is made a student of the Magi, whom classical antiquity regards 
as the exponents of Zoroaster’s teaching. Such allusions are: (a) Cicero, 
de Fin. 5. 29, ipse Pythagoras et Aegyptum lustravit et Persarum Magos 
adiit ; (8) Valerius Maximus 8, 7 extern. 2, inde ad Persas profectus Mago- 
rum exactissimae prudentiae se formandum tradidit ; (y) Pliny, N. H. 380. 2. 1, 
Pythagoras, Empedocles, Democritus, Plato ad hance (magicen) discendam 
navigavere; (6) Porphyrius, Vita Pythag. 41, érel kal rod Oeod, &s mapa TeV 
Mdywv énuvOdvero, dv ‘Opoua (ny Kadovow exetvor; and Vita Pythag. 12, év re 
BaBvaayi Trois 7’ &AAois Xaddalas ouveyéveTo kal mpds ZdBpatoyv [Zdpatoy, 
Nauck] (Zoroaster?) apixero; (€) Plutarch, de animae procr. in Timaeo 
2. 2, Zapdras 6 MvOayédpou diddonados ; (¢) Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata, 
1, p.357 (ed. Potter) Zwpodorpny dé Tov Mayor Tov Mépony 6 Mudaydpas eChawoev 
(MS. edjAwcer), cf. Cyrillus, adv. Jul. 3, p. 87, where Pythagoras is called 
mavdpistos (yAwrys Of Zoroaster; (7) Suidas s.v. Pythagoras, Mvéaydpas° 
obTos ikovce—Zdpyntos Tod wdyou (is it Zoroaster ?); (@) Apuleius Florid. 
p. 19 (ed. Altib.) sunt qui Pythagoram aiunt eo temporis inter captivos 
Cambysae regis Aegyptum cum adveheretur, doctores habuisse Persarum 
magos ac praecipue Zoroastrem omnis divini arcani antistitem; () in 
Lucian’s Dialogue Menippus, § 6, p. 463, the Babylonian Magi are the pupils 
and successors of Zoroaster wot . . . @5ote és BaBvaAdva eAOdvra SenOjval Tivos 
Tov Maywy Tay Zwpodortpov mabntay kal diaddywv. Also some others. 

[3 See p. 161 above. The particular passage is one in which Albirani dis- 
cusses the various possibilities as to the date of Thales. He adds that ‘if 
he (i.e. Thales) lived at the time of Kai Kubadh, he stands near to Zoro- 
aster, who belonged to the sect of the Harranians’ (Chron. p. 32, 1. 15, 
transl. Sachau). ] 


B. Discussion oF THE Data. 


The material above collected presents most of the [=orig. p. 16] 
external evidence that we have in regard to the age at 
which Zoroaster lived. We are now prepared for a more compre- 
hensive view of the subject, for a discussion of the data in hand, 
for a presentation of certain internal evidences that need to be 
brought out, and for arguments and possible deductions. Several 
points immediately suggest themselves for comment. 

First, in discussing the classical allusions above presented, one is 
justified from the connection in assuming that such allusions as are 


170 APPENDIX I 


made to the name of Zoroaster as a religious teacher or sage, all 
refer to the one great prophet of ancient Iran. Noaccount, I think, 
need therefore be taken of such views as assume the existence of two 
or of several Zoroasters, belonging to different periods in the world’s 
history. Such a view was held by Suidas (s.v. Zoroastres) and was 
evidently earlier shared by Pliny;’ it met with acceptance also 
among some of the old-fashioned writers in more recent times; but 
there is no real evidence in its favor, and it is due to an attempt to 
adjust the discrepancy existing in classical statements with regard 
to Zoroaster’s date. History knows of but one Zoroaster. 


1Pliny N. H. 30.2.1. sine dubio illic orta (ars Magica) in Perside a 
Zoroastre, ut inter auctores convenit. Sed unus hic fuerit, an postea et alius, 
non satis constat. He adds a little later (80. 2. 8) diligentiores paulo ante 
hune (i.e. Osthanem) Zoroastrem alium Proconnesium. 

2B.g. Kleuker (quoting the Abbé Foucher), Anhang zum Zend-Avesta, 
Bd. i. Thl. 2, p. 68-81. 


Second, among the three dates which may be deduced from the 
material above collected and which are summarized on p. 2 [= p. 152], 
we are justified upon reasonable grounds, I think, in rejecting the 
excessively early date of B.c. 6000 or thereabouts. The explanation 
above offered to account for the extravagant figures seems satis- 
factory enough. 

Third, such dates as might be arrived at from the sporadic allusions 
that associate the name of Zoroaster with Semiramis and Ninus, 
with Nimrod and Abraham, or with Baal, Bel, Balaam, as above dis- 
cussed, have little if any real foundation. In each instance there 
seem to me to be reasonable grounds for discarding them. 

There remains finally a comparatively large body of material that 
would point to the fact that Zoroaster flourished between the latter 
part of the seventh century and the middle of the sixth century 
before the Christian era. The material when sifted reduces itself: 
first, to the direct tradition found in two Pahlavi books, Bandahishn 
and Arta Viraf, which places Zoroaster’s era three hundred years, 
or more exactly 258 years, before Alexander’s day; second, to the 

Arabic allusions which give the same date in their 
[=orig. p.17] chronological computations and which in part lay 

claim to being founded upon the chronology of the 
Persians themselves;! third, to similar allusions elsewhere which 
place Zoroaster at about this period. 


ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 171 


1Compare Albirini, Chronology of Ancient Nations, p. 109, 112 (transl. 
Sachau) ; and the Modjmel al-Tewarikh, p. 142, 320, 330 (traduit Mohl, 
Journal Asiatique, xi. 1841), stating that the account is based on the 
Chronicle of Mobed Bahram. 


Certain objections may be raised to a view based upon this mate- 
rial last given. p 

First among these objections is a claim often urged, that the tra- 
ditional date rests upon an erroneous identification of Vishtaspa 
with Hystaspes the father of Darius. I cannot see, from the allu- 
sions or elsewhere, that the Persians made any such identification ; 
the impression gained from the material presented is rather in fact 
to the contrary; one may recall, for example, how widely different 
the ancestry of Vishtaspa is from the generally received descent of 
Hystaspes the father of Darius (a point which Floigl and Roth 
seem to have overlooked). It was only the classical writer Ammi- 
anus Marcellinus who, in antiquity, made any such identification. 
The point has already been sufficiently dealt with above, p. 14 
[= p. 167, and West now also treats it in like manner —SBE. xlvii. 
Introd. § 70]. 

A second objection may be brought on the plea that the tradi- 
tional date (7th to middle of 6th century B.c.) would not allow of 
the lapse of sufficient time to account for the difference in language 
between the Gathas and the Old Persian inscriptions and for certain 
apparent developments in the faith. Furthermore, that a longer 
period of time must be allowed to account for the difference 
between the fixed title Auramazda, ‘Opowacdys, current in western 
Persia in Achaemenian times, and the divided form of the divine 
name Ahura Mazda (or Ahura alone and Mazda alone) as found in 
the Avesta, especially in the Zoroastrian Gathas. This point has 
been noticed in the interesting and instructive paper of Professor 
Tiele, Over de Oudheid van het Avesta, p. 16,1 who comes to the 
result that Zoroastrianism must have existed as early as the first 
half of the 7th century B.c.2 If we accept, as I believe we should, 
the theses that Vishtaspa ruled in eastern Ivan, and that, although 
Zoroaster was a native of Adarbaijan, the chief scene of his religious 
activity was eastern Iran,’ and that the faith spread from Bactria 
westwards,* I cannot see that these arguments militate against the 
traditional date under discussion. Dialectic differences between the 
Bactrian region and Persia Proper would sufficiently account for 
arguments based on language alone. ‘This, added to national and 


a oY, APPENDIX II 


individual differences, might well account for the fixed form of the 
name Auramazda among the Achaemenians as contrasted with the 
Avestan form. Who can say how rapidly the creed spread from 
the east to the west and what changes consequently in a short time 
may have resulted? New converts in their zeal are often more rad- 

ical in progressive changes than first reformers. Per- 
([=orig. p.18] sis, with its original difference in dialect, may in 

short time have developed the single title Avramazda 
from Ahura Mazda as watchword of church and state. See also 
note, p. 20, top [= p. 174]. 


1 Reprinted from the Mededeelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Weten- 
schappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, 3de Reeks, Deel xi. 864-385. 

2 Tielo’s little work argues admirably for the antiquity of the Avesta as 
opposed to Darmesteter’s views for the lateness of the Gathas. I wish I 
could be convinced by Professor Tiele (p. 19) that the names of the Median 
kings, Phraortes (fravasi), Kyaxares (wvaxsatara), Deiokes (*dahyuka) as 
well as Eparna, Sitiparna of the early Esarhaddon inscription (explained as 
containing hvaranah, ‘ glory’), are due to concepts originated by Zoroaster 
and are not merely marks of beliefs which Zoroastrianism inherited directly 
from existing Magism. The name of Darius’s contemporary Khsathrita 
(Bh. 2. 15; 4. 19, Bh. e. 6) is not so important for the argument. I con- 
fess I should like to place Zoroaster as early as the beginning of the 7th 
century. The earlier, the better. [On Phraortes viewed as a Zoroastrian, 
compare more recently, Justi, in Preuss. Jahrbiicher, Bd. 88, p. 258; 
Grundriss d. iran. Philol. ii. p. 411.] 

3 On eastern Iran, cf. Geiger, Ostiranische Kultur (Erlangen, 1882) and 
English translation of same, Darab D. P. Sanjana, Hastern Iranians 
(London, 1885-1886). 

4 See Jackson, Zoroaster’s Native Place, JAOS. xv. 230 seq. So in spite 
of Spiegel, ZDMG. xlv. 198 seq. 


A final objection may be raised as to the real historic worth and 
chronological value of the Persian tradition which places Zoroaster 
three centuries before Alexander. This it must frankly be said is 
the real point of the question. Is there a possibility of Arabic 
influence at work upon the statements of the Baindahishn and Arta 
Viraf [and Zat-sparam]? Is the whole chronology of the Buanda- 
hishn and that of the Persians artificial?’ And did the Zoroas- 
trians intentionally tamper with history and bring Zoroaster down 
as late as possible in order that the millennial period might not be 
regarded as having elapsed without the appearance of a Saoshyant, 
or Messiah ? 


ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER 1738 


1 Spiegel, Hranische Alterthumskunde, i. 506, with Windischmann, regards 
the data of the Bundahishn as ‘unzuverlassig,’ but it must be remembered 
that his figures, ‘178’ years for the period between Zoroaster and Alexan- 
der, now require correction to 258, which alters the condition of affairs. 
See West, SBE. v. 150-151, and Spiegel, ZDMG. xlv. 203. Compare 
especially de Harlez, Avesta traduit, Introd. p. ccxxviii. 


These questions require serious consideration in detail. The 
introduction to the chronological chapter of the Bindahishn (Bd. 34) 
does indeed read, according to one MS., ‘on the reckoning of the 
years of the Arabs’ (see Bindahishn translated by West, SBE. v. 
149), but the word Tazhikan ‘of the Arabs’ is not found in the other 
manuscripts. Moreover, the scientific investigator Albirini, and 
also the Mujmal al-Tawarikh, whose data agree exactly with the 
Bundahishn, affirm that the dates given for the Kayanian kings are 
obtained from the records of the Persians themselves.! 

There seems no reason, therefore, to doubt that the [= orig. p. 19] 
Bindahishn really represents the Persian chronology. 

But what the value of that chronology may be, is another matter. 
Personally I think it has real value so far as giving the approxi- 
mate period of three centuries before Alexander as Zoroaster’s era. 
Every student of the classics knows the part that chronology plays 
with reference to the Magi; every reader of the Avesta-is familiar 
with ‘the time of long duration;’ every one who has looked into 
the scholarly work of Albirini will have more respect for Persian 
chronology. Errors indeed there may be; attention has been called 
above to the lack of agreement between the years assigned by tradi- 
tion to the reigns of the Zoroastrian Kayanian monarchs and the 
generally accepted dates of the reigns of Cyrus, Darius, and Xerxes?; 
to the dynasty of these three kings there corresponds only the long 
rule of Vishtaspa (120 years) and a part of that of Bahman Ardashir 
Dirazdast, some of whose reign answers to that of Artaxerxes Longi- 
manus. As above said, it is difficult to identify the Kayanians 
of the tradition with the early Achaemenians of Greek history, but 
this need not nullify the real value of the traditional ‘three centu- 
ries before Alexander.’ What Masidi (ce. a.p. 943) in his Indicatio 
et Admonitio can add on this subject is full of interest. Little atten- 
tion seems thus far to have been drawn to this important passage 
and to the explanation which it contains.? Masidi is fully aware of 
the difference that exists between the Persian and the generally 
accepted chronology and he shows how it was brought about by 


174 APPENDIX II 


Ardashir’s purposely shortening the period between Alexander and 
himself by causing about half the number of years to be dropped 
from the chronological lists, but the 300 years of Zoroaster before 
Alexander were allowed to remain untouched, for the old prophecy 
regarding the time of Alexander’s appearance had been fulfilled. 
The passage in Barbier de Meynard is well worth consulting.’ 


1 See note above, p. 8 [= p. 160]. 

2 Cf, Barbier de Meynard in Le Livre de V Indication et de V Admonition 
(Macoudi, Prairies d’ Or, ix. 827-328). [See also the translation by Vaux, 
Macoudi, Le Livre de V Avertissement, Pp. 136 ; Paris, 1896. | 

8 See preceding note. I have since found the passage given by Spiegel in 
Eran. Alterthumskunde, iii. 193 ; compare also Spiegel, ZDMG. xiv. 202. 


C. REsuuLts. 


To draw conclusions, — although open to certain objections, still, 
in the absence of any more reliable data or until the discovery of 
some new source of information to overthrow or to substantiate the 
view, there seems but one decision to make in the case before us. 
From the actual evidence presented and from the material accessi- 
ble, one is fairly entitled, at least, upon the present merits of the 
case, to accept the period between the latter half of the seventh cen- 
tury and the middle of the sixth century B.c. [perhaps still better, 
between the middle of the seventh century and the first half of the 
sixth century B.c.], or just before the rise of the Achaemenian 
power, as the approximate date of Zoroaster’s life." 


[= orig. p. 20] 1 Since the above was written Dr. E. W. West writes me 

(under date December 19, 1895) the interesting piece of 
information that his investigations into the history of the Iranian calendar 
have led him to the date n.c. 505 as the year in which a reform in the Per- 
sian calendar must have been instituted. He suggests that Darius, upon 
the conclusion of his wars and during the organizing of his kingdom and 
putting in force new acts of legislation, may with the aid and counsel of his 
priestly advisers have introduced the Zoroastrian names of the months 
which have supplanted the old Persian names which were given in the 
inscriptions. If this be so, the point may have a special bearing towards 
showing that the Achaemenians were Zoroastrians. From Albiriini, Chro- 
nology, pp. 17, 12; 55, 29; 205, 2; and 220, 19 (transl. Sachau), we know 
that Zoroaster himself must have occupied himself with the calendar. Ben- 
fey u. Stern, Ueber die Monatsnamen einiger alter Vilker, p. 116, regarded 
théfedo-Persian year as having been introduced into Cappadocia probably 


ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER alge 


as early as B.c. 750. [Dr. West’s paper on the Parsi calendar has just 
appeared in The Academy for April 23, 1896.] [Later postscript (1898), 
West gives his results in SBE. xlvii. Introd. § 79 seq. ] 


Similar results have been reached by others, or opinions to the 
same effect have been expressed; for example, Haug,’ Justi (private 
letter),? Geldner (personal communication),’ Casartelli,* and several 
names familiar to those acquainted with the field. Some effort 
might be made perhaps*if the premises will allow it, and some 
attempts have been made, to define the period more exactly by a 
precise interpretation of the various time-allusions with reference to 
cardinal events in Zoroaster’s life—the beginning of his ministry at 
the age of 30, the conversion of Vishtaspa in the prophet’s 42d year, 
the death of Zoroaster at the age of 77 years.®° [See Appendix III. ] 


1 Cf. Haug, Essays on the Parsis (West’s Introduction, p. xlv.) ; although 
Haug had previously adopted various earlier eras for Zoroaster, e.g. B.C. 2300 
(Lecture on Zoroaster, Bombay, 1865), not later than B.c. 1000 (Essays, 
p. 299, where the subject is discussed ; cf. also Essays, pp. 15, 136, 264). 

2 Personal letter from Professor Justi, dated June 14, 1892. 

8 Geldner formerly placed the date of Zoroaster as prior to B.c. 1000 (see 
article ‘ Zoroaster,’ Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th edition). 

4 Philosophy of the Mazdayasnian Religion under the Sassanids, transl. 
Firoz Jamaspji, p. ii, ‘about 600.’ 

5 The best collections of material on the subject are to be found in de 
Harlez, Avesta traduit, 2d ed. Introduction, pp. xx-xxv, ccxiv. [See also de 
Harlez, The Age of the Avesta, in JAOS., New Series, xvii. 849, London, 
1885, who finds no reason to place the Avesta earlier than 600 or 700 B.c., 
or in broader terms fixes ‘the epoch of Zoroastrianism and the Avesta 
between 700 and 100 z.c.’], Spiegel, HA. i. 673-676, and Windischmann, 
Zoroastrische Studien, pp. 147, 162, 305; the latter suggested (Zor. Stud. 
p. 164) about B.c. 1000 as Zoroaster’s date. The present writer (Avesta 
Grammar, p. xi) once held the opinion that Zoroaster lived ‘more than a 
thousand years before the Christian era.’ The date assigned by the Parsi 
Orientalist K. R. Kama is about s.c. 1500. 

6 Eg. Anquetil du Perron, Zend-Avesta, i. Pt. 2, p. 6, 60-62, assigns B.C. 
589-512 as the age of Zoroaster ; compare also Kleuker, Anhang zum Zend- 
Avesta, Bd. i. Thl. 1, pp. 327-374 ; Thl. 2, pp. 51-81 (Foucher). [Anquetil’s 
monograph should be consulted.] Floigl (Cyrus wnd Herodot, p. 18), fol- 
lowing Roth, gives p.c. 599-522 as Zoroaster’s era and identifies Vishtaspa 
with Hystaspes the father of Darius. Neither Floig] nor Roth seem to take 
any account of the difference between the genealogy of Vishtaspa’s ances- 
tors as given in the Old Persian inscriptions and the lineage given in the 
Avesta, Pahlavi, and later Persian works. Floigl does not, moreover, suffi- 
ciently take into consideration (p. 17) that 42 years (or at least 30) must be 


176 APPENDIX II 


added in every instance to the 258 years before Alexander, as that was 
Zoroaster’s age when Vishtaspa accepted the Faith. This would in any 
event place the date of Zoroaster’s birth before B.c. 600. 


[ = orig. p. 21] The above results, if they be accepted in the hght 

at least of our present information on the subject, 
seem to be not without importance for the history of early religious 
thought and of the development of ethical and moral teaching. If 
one carefully works through the material, it must be acknowledged 
that the most consistent and the most authoritative of all the actual 
statements upon the subject place the appearance of the prophet at 
a period between the closing century of Median rule and the rising 
wave of Persian power, that is, between the latter half of the 
seventh century and the middle of the sixth century z.c.; [better 
between the middle of the seventh century and the former half of 
the sixth century B.c.]. It is the sowing of the fallow land that is 
to bring forth the rich fruits of the harvest. The teaching of 
Zoroaster must have taken deep root in the soil of Ivan at the time 
when the Jews were carried up into captivity at Babylon (586-536), 
where they became acquainted with ‘the law of the Medes and 
Persians which altereth not’; the time was not far remote when 
the sage Confucius should expound to China the national tenets 
of its people, and the gentle Buddha on Ganges’ bank should preach 
to longing souls the doctrine of redemption through renunciation. 
How interesting the picture, how full of instruction the contrast! 
And in this connection, the old question of a possible pre-historic 
Indo-Iranian religious schism! comes perhaps once again into con- 
sideration.2 Certain theological and religious phenomena noticeable 
in Brahmanism are possibly not so early, after all, as has generally 
been believed. It may perchance be that Zoroastrianism in Iran 
was but the religious, social, and ethical culmination of the wave 
that had been gathering in strength as it moved along, and that was 
destined in India to spend its breaking force in a different way 
from its overwhelming course in the plateau land northwest of 
the mountains of Hindu Kush. 


1 The view strongly upheld by Haug. 

2 Deductions that might perhaps be made in the light of Hopkins, 
Religions of India, pp. 177, 186, 212, n. 38. Consult especially the suggestive 
hints of Geldner, article ‘ Zoroaster,’ Encyclopedia Britannica, where the 
much-mooted question of asura-ahura, daéva-deva, ‘ god-demon,’ is discussed. 


ON THE DATE OF ZOROASTER LTT 


The kingdom of Bactria was the scene of Zoroaster’s zealous 
ministry, as I presume. [The question raised on this point is 
noticed in the present volume.] Born, as I believe, in Atropatene, 
to the west of Media, this prophet without honor in his own coun- 
try met with a congenial soil for the seeds of his teaching in eastern 
Iran. His ringing voice of reform and of a nobler faith found an 
answering echo in the heart of the Bactrian king, Vishtaspa, whose 
strong arm gave necessary support to the crusade that spread the 
new faith west and east throughout the land of Iran. Allusions 
to this crusade are not uncommon in Zoroastrian literature. Its 
advance must have been rapid. A fierce religious war which in a 
way was fatal to Bactria seems to have ensued with Turan. This 
was that same savage race in history at whose door the death of 
victorious Cyrus is laid. Although tradition tells the 
sad story that the fire of the sacred altar was quenched [= orig. p. 22] 
in the blood of the priests when Turan stormed Balkh, 
this momentary defeat was but the gathering force of victory; 
triumph was at hand. The spiritual spark of regeneration lingered 
among the embers and was destined soon to burst into the flame 
of Persian power that swept over decaying Media and formed the 
beacon-torch that lighted up the land of Ivan in early history. But 
the history of the newly established creed and certain problems in 
regard to the early Achaemenians as Zoroastrians belong elsewhere 
for discussion. 


[Addendum 1. Iman article on ‘The Date of the Avesta,’ The Times of 
India, March 11, 1898, now draws attention to the fact that Darab Dastur 
Peshotan Sanjana has again called up the proposed identification of Avestan 
Naidhyah Gaotema (in Yt. 18. 16) with the rishi Gautama whose son is Nodhas 
in the Veda. See this pamphlet Observations on Darmesteter’s Theory, pp. 
25-31, Leipzig, 1898. On his point and on the other suggested identifications 
of the Avestan Gaotema with Gotama the Buddha, or with the Brahman 
Cangranghacah (see pp. 85-88 above), we may refer to what has been said by 
Windischmann, Mithra, p. 29, and to the references and discussion given by 
Justi, Handbuch der Zendsprache, p. 99 (Leipzig, 1864), where good material 
will be found. Justi’s statement in his Iran. Namenbuch, p. 110 (Marburg, 
1895) reads: ‘Gaotema, vielleicht Name eines Gegners der Zarathustrischen 
Religion Yt. 13.16; das Wort kénnte auch appellativ sein ; sanskrit gé6tama.’ 

In the passage I do not think that the words n@ vyaxand necessarily refer to 
Zoroaster at all, but that they allude to some later follower of the Faith who 
may have vanquished in debate some opponent of the Zoroastrian creed. Notice 
also Justi’s ‘eines Gegners der Zarathustrischen Religion.’ I cannot therefore 
see that we shall lose anything if we accept the view which was first suggested 


N 


178 APPENDIX II 


by Haug, and interpret this allusion to Gaotama as a thrust at Buddhism, and 
regard ndaidyah as a derogatory attribute, or connected with the Vedic root 
nadh. 

Color is given to such an interpretation because, farther on in the same Yasht 
(Yt. 18. 97), mention is made of the pious Saéna, a great religious teacher and 
successor of Zoroaster, who flourished between one hundred and two hundred 
years after the prophet himself, or p.c. 531-481, if we accept the traditional 
Zoroastrian chronology, and who might therefore have been a contemporary 
with Buddha. Upon the date of Saéna, see also Jivanji Jamshedji Modi, The 
Antiquity of the Avesta, Bombay, June, 1896. Saéna belonged to the ancient 
territory of Saka-stana (Seistaén) and thus to the region of White India; cf. 
p. 45, n. 4, 72, n. 3, 87, n. 1, and Appendix IV. 

Nowif in the particular case of Saéna (and the lines are metrical and therefore 
probably original) the Yasht actually makes mention of a Zoroastrian apostle 
who lives a century or more after the great teacher, I do not think we are neces- 
sarily forced to place Gaotama back into the Vedic period. In other words, in 
the case of Gaotema as of Saéna, the Yasht may be alluding to one who is born 
after Zarathushtra, and may be hurling anathemas against an opposing and 
heretical religion (and that religion Buddhism) which began to flourish about 
the same time as the Yasht may have been written. Of the various identifica- 
tions I should prefer that of Gotama the Buddha, rather than to call in the 
Vedas and Gautama whose son is Nodhas. ] 

[Addendum 2. My pupil, Mr. Schuyler, draws my attention to a refer- 
ence in a work that was published in the middle of the last century, which is of 
interest because it deals with the Huns and places the date of Zoroaster about 
the year ‘683 avant Jesus-Christ.? The reference is Deguignes, Histoire gén- 
érale des Huns, i. Pt. 2, p. 376, Paris, 1756. ] 


APPENDIX III 


DR. WEST’S TABLES OF ZOROASTRIAN CHRONOLOGY 


AS BASED UPON THE MILLENNIAL SYSTEM OF THE 
BUNDAHISHN 


(From Sacred Books of the East, xlvii. Introd.° § 55.) 1 


AFTER investigating the traditional Zoroastrian chronology of the 
Bindahishn, and the statements of the other Pahlavi texts, which 
have been recorded in the preceding Appendix, Dr. E. W. West has 
compiled a series of chronological tables, synchronizing the Zoro- 
astrian and European systems. The statement of Bd. 34. 7, 8, 
places the death of Alexander 272 years after the coming of the reli- 
gion, ie. after the thirtieth year of Zoroaster’s life and of Vish- 
taspa’s reign. Combining these dates, and allowing for an apparent 
omission of thirty-five years (which is explained), the items 323 + 
272 + 35 give as a result B.c. 660-583 as the date of Zoroaster, and 
B.c. 660-540 for Vishtaspa’s reign,? which in Oriental manner is 
apparently conceived of as dating from the king’s birth. West’s 
tables are now presented (SBH. xlvii. Introd. pp. xxvili-xxx) : — 

‘If we adopt the abbreviations A.R. for “ anno religionis” and B.R. 
for “ before the religion,” we are prepared to compile the following 
synopsis of Zoroastrian Chronology according to the millennial sys- 
tem of the Bindahishn, extended to the end of time, but dealing 
only with traditional matters, combined with the European dates of 
the same events, deduced from the synchronism of A.R. 300 with 
B.c. 301, as stated above in § 54:’— 


B.R. 9000, B.c. 9630. Beginning of the first millennium of Time; and for- 
mation of the Frayashis, or primary ideas of the good creations, which 
remain insensible and motionless for 3000 years (Bd. I, 8; XXXIV, 1). 


_ 1 Through the courtesy of Dr.E.W. for which kindness I wish to express 
West and of Professor F. Max Miiiler, my appreciative thanks. —A. V. W. J. 
editor of the Sacred Books, I have 2 See SBH. xlvii. Introd. § 70. 
been allowed to reproduce these pages ; 


179 


180 APPENDIX III 


p.R. 6000, B.c. 6630. Beginning of the fourth millennium, when the spiritual 
body of Zaratiisht is framed together, and remains 38000 years with the 
archangels (Dk. VII, ii, 15, 16), while the primeval man and ox exist undis- 
turbed in the world, because the evil spirit is confounded and powerless 
(Ba. I, 20, 22 ; III, 1, 3, 5; XXXIV, 1). 

B.R. 3000, B.c. 3630. Beginning of the seventh millennium, when the evil 
spirit rushes into the creation on new-year’s day, destroys the primeval ox, 
and distresses Gaiyomart, the primeval man (Bd. I, 20; III, 10-20, 24-27 ; 
XXXIV, 2). Z. appears to remain with the archangels for 2969 years 
longer. 

B.R. 2970, B.c. 3600. Gaydmart passes away (Bd. II, 21-23; XXXIV, 2). 

B.R. 2930, B.c. 3560. Masyé and Masyadi had grown up (Bd. XV, 2; XXXIV, 
3). 

B.R. 2787, B.c. 3417. Accession of Héshang (Bd. XXXIV, 3). 

B.R. 2747, B.c. 83377. Accession of Takhmorup (ibid. 4). 

B.R. 2717, B.c. 8847. Accession of Yim (ibid.). 

B.R. 2000, B.c. 2630. Beginning of the eighth millennium. Accession of Dahak 
(ibid. 4, 5). 

B.R. 1000, B.c. 1630. Beginning of the ninth millennium. Accession of Frétitin 
(ibid. 5, 6). 

B.R. 500, B.c. 1130. Accession of Manishcihar (ibid. 6). 

B.R. 428, p.c. 1058. Spendarmat comes to Mantshcihar at the time of Frasiyav’s 
irrigation works (Zs. XII, 8-6). [West’s brief remarks on correction of the 
MSS. here omitted. ] 

B.R. 380, B.c. 1010. Accession of Aiizdbd (Bd. XXXIV, 6). 

B.R. 375, B.c. 1005. Accession of Kai-Kobat (ibid. 6, 7). 

p.r. 360, B.c. 990. Accession of Kai-Us (ibid. 7). 

B.R. 300, B.c. 930. Zaratiisht first mentioned by the ox that Sritd killed (Zs. 
XII, 7-20). 

B.R. 210, p.c. 840. Accession of Kai-Khiisréi (Bd. XXXIV, 7). 

p.k. 150, B.c. 780. Accession of Kai-Lohrasp (ibid.). 

p.r. 45, B.c. 675. The Glory descends from heaven at the birth of Diktak (Zs. 
DUB Myo 

B.R. 30, B.c. 660. Accession of Kai-Vishtasp (Bd. XXXIV, 7). Voht- 
mano and Ashavahisht6 descend into the world with a stem of Hom (Dk. 
VII, ii, 24). Zaratisht is born (ibid. y, 1). 

B.R. 23, B.c. 653. Z. is seven years old when two Karaps visit his father, and 
Diirasrobo dies (Dk. VII, iii, 32, 34, 45). 

B.R. 15, 8.c. 645. Z. is fifteen years old when he and his four brothers ask for 
their shares of the family property (Zs. XX, 1). 

B.R. 10, B.c. 640. Z. leaves home at the age of twenty (ibid. 7). 

a.R. 1, B.c. 630. Beginning of the tenth millennium. Z. goes forth to his con- 
ference with the sacred beings on the 45th day of the 31st year of Vishtasp’s 
reign (Dk. VII, iii, 51-62; VIII, 51; Zs. XXI, 1-4). 

A.R. 3, B.c. 628. Z. returns from his first conference in two years, and preaches 
to Aurvaita-dang and the Karaps without success (Dk. VI, iv, 2-20). 

a.r. 11, B.c. 620. After his seventh conference, in the tenth year he goes to 


DR. WEST’S TABLES OF ZOROASTRIAN CHRONOLOGY 181 


Vishtasp ; Méty6mah is also converted (ibid. 1, 65; Zs. XXI, 3; XXII, 
e250): 

A.R. 13, B.c. 618. Twelve years after Z. went to conference, Vishtasp accepts 
the religion, though hindered for two years by the Karaps (Dk. VII, v, 
Il 8 AEE ROLAOE OY 7))e 

a.R. 20, B.c. 611. A Kavig, son of Kindah, is converted (Zs. XXIII, 8). 

A.R. 30, B.c. 601. Defeat of Arjasp and his Khydns (ibid). 

s.r. 40, B.c. 591. WVohiiném is born (ibid.). About this time the Avesta is 
written by Jamasp from the teaching of Z. (Dk. IV, 21; V, iii, 4; VII, v. 11). 
[Compare also Dk. III. vii, 1, SBE. xxxvii. 406. ] 

avr. 48, B.c. 583. Z. passes away, or is killed, aged seventy-seven years 
and forty days, on the 41st day of the year (Dk. V. iii, 2; VII. v, 1; Zs. 
XXIII, 9). 

A.R. 58, B.c. 573. Arrival of the religion is known in all regions (Dk. VII, vi, 
12). [Compare also Dk. IV, 21-22, SBE. xxxvii. 412-413. ] 

A.R. 63, B.c. 568. Frashdshtar passes away (Zs. XXIII, 10). 

A.R. 64, B.c. 567. Jamasp passes away (ibid.) 

A.R. 63, B.c. 558. Hangaitirish, son of Jamasp, passes away (ibid.). 

A.R. 80, B.c. 551. Asmodk-khanvaté passes away, and Akht the wizard is killed 
(ibid. ). 

A.R. 91, B.c. 540. Accession of Vohiman, son of Spend-dat (Bd. XXXIV, 7, 8). 

a.R. 100, B.c. 581. Sénd is born (Dk. VII, vii, 6). 

A.R. 200, B.c. 431. Sén6d passes away (ibid.; Zs. XXIII, 11). 

A.R. 203. B.c. 428. Accession of Himai (Bd. XXXIV, 8). 


[Some additional dates are given by Dr. West, which include the 
invasion of Alexander (A.R. 300 = B.c. 331) and his death (a.r. 308 
= B.C. 23), and carry the chronology down to the final millennium 
of the world (4.R. 3028, A.p. 2398). ] 


APPENDIX IV 


ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE AND THE SCENE OF 
HIS MINISTRY 


OUTLINE OF CONTENTS 
INTRODUCTION . . 


I. ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE. 
A. CrLAssicAL REFERENCES. 
1. Bactria and the Hast 
a. Cephalion. 


monaond 


. Theon. 
Justin. 

. Arnobius. 
. Eusebius. 
. Epiphanius. 


2. Media (Persia) and the West 


Ae te este 


. Ammianus Marcellinus. 
. Orosius. 


PAGES 


182-185 


186-205 
186-191 
186-188 


Augustine. 


. Isidorus. 
. Hugo de S. Victore. 


189-190 


a. Pliny the Elder. g. Gregory of Tours. 

b. Clemens Alexandrinus. h. Chronicon Paschale. 
c. Origen. i. (Georgius Syncellus). 
d. Diogenes Laertius. j. Suidas. 

e. Porphyrius. k. Michael Glycas. 

f. Lactantius. 


Estimate of the Classical Allwsions .. . 191 


B. OrtentaLt REFERENCES —ALL IMPLY WESTERN IRAN. .. . 191-205 
1. Adarbaijan (Atropatene). 


a. Zoroastrian Literature. 1938-197 
a. Biindahishn (20. 82). c. Zat-sparam. 
b. Btndahishn (24. 15). d. Avesta. 
8. Mohammedan Literature. . 197-201 
a. Ibn Khurdadhbah. g. Shahrastani. 
b. Ahmad Yahya al-Baladhuri. h. Ibn al-Athir. 
c. Ibn Fakih al-Hamadhani. i. Yakit. 
d. Tabari. j. Kazwini. 
e. Mastdi. k. Bar ‘Ebhraya. 
f. Hamzah al-Isfahani. 1. Abulfeda. 
Estimate of Mohammedan Allusions. . . 201 


182 


2. 


ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 


Ragha, Rai (Media Rhagiana) 
a. Avesta (Vd. 1. 15). 
b. Avesta (Ys. 19. 18). 
c. Zat-sparam. 


Conclusion as to Zoroaster’s Native Place. 


II. SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY... . 


GENERAL REMARKS . 


1. 


2. 


Bactria and the East 


Geographical allusions in the Avesta ae in Pahlavi ° 


Kavi dynasty in the east 

Allusions to Balkh 

Where was Vishtaspa’s capital 

Sacrifices by Vishtaispa — discussion 

Where was Arejat-aspa’s capital — the jena 

Scene of the Holy Wars 

Location of the sacred fires . 

Minor points . 
Résumé of fae Boaleae ae 

Media and the West . . 

Cidevtarlez Vee em senate Ne 

SDietelUn een cnemnaners 

Othersscholars) eo.) %) <= 

Justi’s views 

Additional arguments save 
Résumé of the Western View 


General Summary ... . 


INTRODUCTION? 


183 


PAGES 


202-205 


205 


205-224 
205-207 


208-219 
208 
209 
209-210 
210 
211-213 
213-214 
214-216 
216-217 
217-218 
218-219 
219-224 
219-220 
220 
221 
221-222 
222-224 
224 
224-225 


Wir regard to the native place of the founders of three of the 
great Oriental religions — Buddhism, Confucianism, Mohammedan- 
ism—the authorities are in agreement for the most part, and the 
recent discoveries with reference to Buddha’s birthplace have ren- 


dered assurance doubly sure at least in his case. 


With respect to 


Zoroaster’s native land, however, and with regard to the exact early 


home of Zoroastrianism, the case is different. 


1 [The question with regard to Zoro- 
aster’s native place has been exam- 
med by the present writer in JAOS. 


In classic times 


time is reproduced here, but it has 
been largely augmented and rewritten, 
and the subject is now treated entirely 


Xv. 221-232. Some of the material anew, especially with regard to the 


which was briefly presented at that 


scene of Zoroaster’s ministry. ] 


184 APPENDIX IV 


seven cities claimed a share in the honor of being the birthplace of 
the poet Homer; hardly less can be said of the prophet Zoroaster, 
if we take into account the various opinions which have been held 
on the subject of his origin. The question is one of interest, for 
with this problem there is also closely connected the question as to 
where we shall place the cradle of the religion of Mazda. 

The natural uncertainty as to whether a religious teacher’s birth- 
place or early home is necessarily identical with the scene of his 
religious activity complicates the problem considerably. Mani- 
festly it is fallacious to assume that the scene of Zoroaster’s min- 
istry must likewise of necessity have been his place of origin. ‘This 
fact must be kept in mind when we examine the arguments that 
have been brought forward by some to prove that the east of Iran, 
or Bactria, must assuredly have been the original home of Zoroaster 
as well as the scene of the reform work of the so-called ‘ Bactrian 
Sage.’ The same fact, on the other hand, must be kept equally in 
view when the claim is made that Zoroaster came from western 
Iran, whether from Atropatene or from Media Proper, or from Persia. 
In the present memoir an endeavor will be made to keep the two 
sides of the question apart, and to discuss, (1) first, the question of 
Zoroaster’s native place; (2) second, the scene of his ministry. 

With regard to the disposition of the subject, authorities are 
agreed that we must look either to the east of Iran or to the west of 
Iran for a solution of the problem. The question of north or of 
south is excluded by the nature of the subject. Since this is the 
case, We may examine the general points of view, and resolve these 
into three classes : — 

1. First, the view that the home of Zoroaster is to be placed in 
the east of Iran, in the Bactrian region, and that the scene of his 
religious reform belongs especially to that territory. 

2. Second, the view that the home of Zoroaster is to be placed 
in western Iran, either in Media Proper (Media Rhagiana) or in 
Adarbaijin (Atropatene), and that the scene of his ministry was 
confined to that region. 

3. Third, a compromise view, which maintains that Zoroaster 
arose in western Iran, in Adarbaijén (Atropatene), or in Media 
Proper (Media Rhagiana), but that he taught and preached in Bac- 
tria as well. 

In this threefold summary it will be noticed in the first place 
that Persis, or Persia in the restricted sense, is left out of considera- 


ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 185 
tion —a justifiable omission because there is no especial ground for 
believing that Zoroaster originated in Persia itself. In the second 
place, it may be stated that there seem to be just reasons for coming 
to a definite conclusion that Zoroaster actually arose in the west of 
Iran. In the third place, it may be added that a definite conclusion 
as to the scene of Zoroaster’s ministry need not for the moment 
be drawn, but that this problem must be discussed as a sequel to 
the question of his place of origin. 

With these points to be kept in mind by way of introduction, and 
with this word of caution, we may proceed to examine the testi- 
mony of antiquity on the subject, which is the source from which 
we draw our information; after that we may go on to present argu- 
ments, or to draw deductions, which are based upon the material 
that is gathered. A division of the sources may be made into two 
classes: (a) Classical sources, Greek or Latin; (6) Oriental author- 
ities, either Iranian or non-Iranian. The testimony of these wit- 
nesses will be taken first with reference to the light they may 


throw upon the native country of the Prophet.’ 


1Partial Bibliography. For 
general references, see Jackson, Where 
was Zoroaster’s Native Place? JAOS. 
XV. pp. 221-232. Consult also Appen- 
dix V. below. The principal classical 
passages have likewise already been 
given by Windischmann, Zoroastrische 
Studien, p. 260 seq. (tr. by Darab 
D. P. Sanjana, Zarathushtra in the 
Gathds and in the Greek and Roman 
Classics, p. 65b, Leipzig, 1897). This 
material is now to be supplemented 
considerably by references which have 
since become accessible in Pahlavi lit- 
erature, and by abundant allusions 
found in Arabic and Syriac writers. 
For the latter, see Gottheil, Refer- 
ences to Zoroaster in Syriac and Arabic 
Literature, Drisler Classical Studies 
(Columbia University Press), New 
York, 1894; for example, pp. 32, 33 
(bis), 84, 37, 39, 40 (bis), 42 n., 44, 48 
(bis). These latter ‘References to 
Zoroaster’ will be constantly referred 
to in the present article. Further- 


more, the general question of Zoroas- 
ter’s native place has often been 
discussed ; it is sufficient to mention 
Hyde, Historia feligionis veterum 
Persarum, p. 310 seq., Oxon. 1700; 
Barnabé Brisson, De regio Persarum 
Principatu, p. 385 seq., editio Argent. 
1710 (orig. ed. Paris, 1590) ; Anquetil 
du Perron, Zend-Avesta, tome i. Pt. 2, 
p- 5 seq., Paris, 1771; Spiegel, Hran- 
ische Alterthumskunde, i. 676-684 (tr. 
by Darab D. P. Sanjana, Geiger’s 
Eastern Iranians, ii. 179-189, London, 
1886) ; C. de Harlez, Avesta traduit, 
Introd. pp. 23-25, 2d ed. Paris, 1881; 
Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta, tr. Introd. 
pp. 47-49, SBE. iv. Ist ed. Oxford, 
1880. 

Special notice is not taken here of 
works relating to the home of the 
Avesta itself as a sacred book, although 
this question is more or less directly 
connected with the present subject. 

If references be desired, one may 
find the more important bibliographi- 


186 APPENDIX IV 


I. ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 
A. Classical References to Zoroaster’s Nationality 


The classical references which allude to the country of Zoroaster 
seem very contradictory if they be viewed alone, and they are doubt- 
less responsible for much of the uncertainty which has prevailed on 
the subject. It must also be remembered that a man is sometimes 
known to fame through his adopted country rather than through 
the land of his nativity. Although often conflicting, these classical 
references are of service in argument; it is well, therefore, briefly 
to present them, first giving those statements which connect Zoro- 
aster’s name with the west of Iran, with Media or Persia; second, 
giving those citations which imply that Zoroaster belonged to Bac- 
tria or eastern Iran. Most of the allusions date from the earlier 
centuries of the Christian era, or somewhat later, although claims 
may be made in one or two instances that the statements rest 
directly upon older authority. 


1. Bactria— Classical References placing Zoroaster in Hastern Iran 


Several allusions in the classical writers of Greece and Rome 
point to the fact that Zoroaster was thought of as a Bactrian, or, at 
least, as exercising his activity in the east of Iran. The writers 
seem to have somewhat of a hazy notion that Zoroaster was not a 
Magian only, but that he was a king and military leader, the oppo- 
nent of Ninus and Semiramis. There appears to be a reminiscence 
of an early struggle between a presumable eastern Iranian mon- 
archy and the Assyrian power of the west. Most of the classical 
allusions to Bactria seem to indicate a common source; this 
source may reasonably be traced back to a misunderstood allusion 


cal material on the subject of the 287 seq., Berlin, 1882; Geiger’s views 
Avestan cradle noted by Geiger, Vater- are criticized also by de Harlez, Das 
land und Zeitalter des Awesta und Alter und Heimath des Avesta, Bez- 
seiner Kultur, Abhandlungen der kg]. zenberger’s Beitrage, xii. 109 seq., 
bayr. Akad. d. Wiss. philos.-philol. 1887; and by Spiegel, Ueber das 
Cl. 1884, pp. 815-885. Geiger’s list Vaterland und Zeitalter des Awesta, 
may be supplemented by de Harlez, Zweiter Artikel, in ZDMG. xli. 280 
Der Avestische Kalender und die Hei-  seq., 1887. Consult Darmesteter, Le 
math der Avesta-Religion, Berliner Zend-Avesta, iii. Introd. pp. 89-90, 
Orientalische Congress, Abhdgn. ii. Paris, 1893. 


ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 187 


in Ctesias.’ In his legendary accounts, Ctesias refers to wars car- 
ried on between Ninus and Semiramis and ’Oévdprys (variants, ’Eya- 
opts, Xadprys, Zadprys); the allusion in Oxyartes (Av. Uxsyatarata) 
is not to Zoroaster, although Cephalion, Justin, and Arnobius, who 
draw on Ctesias, make Zoroaster a Bactrian and the opponent of 
Ninus. The matter has been commented upon above (Appendix II. 
154 seq.). The statements of these particular writers, however, are 
added for the sake of completeness, and they are supplemented by 
other classical citations. See also Appendix II. 

(a) Fragments of Cephalion (A.p. 120) which are preserved in 
the Armenian version of Eusebius, Chron. 1. 43, ed. Aucher, 
describe the rebellion of the Magian Zoroaster, King of the Bac- 
trians, against Semiramis: de Zoroastri Magi Bactrianorum regis 
certamine ac debellatione a Semiramide. Compare also, in this con- 
nection, Georgius Syncellus, Appendix V. § 41 below (cf. ed. Dind. 1. 
p. 315), and the reputed work of Moses of Khorene, 1.6, ‘le mage 
Zoroastre, roi des Bactriens, c’est a-dire des Médes’; or, on the other 
hand, Moses of Khorene, 1.17, ‘ Zoroastre (ZerataSd), mage et chef 
religieux des Médes (Mar) ’—see Langlois, Collections des Historiens 
de ? Arménie, 11. 59 and 69, also Appendix VI. § 1 below; here Zoro- 
aster is a contemporary of Semiramis, and he seizes the government 
of Assyria and Nineveh; Semiramis flees before him, and she is 
killed in Armenia (Langlois, ii. 69). See also Gilmore, Ktesias’ Per- 
sika, p. 30 n.; Spiegel, Hran. Alterthumskunde, i. 682; Windischmann, 
Zor. Stud. pp. 302, 303; Miller, Fragm. Hist. Gr. iii. 627, v. 328. For 
the statement of Thomas Arzrouni, see p. 217 belowand Appendix VI. 

(b) Theon (A.p. 130) Progymnasmata, 9, zepi ovyxpicews, ed. 
Spengel, het. Gree. ii. 115, speaks of ‘Zoroaster the Bactrian’ — 
Zwpoactpov tod Baxrpiov—in connection with Semiramis. See Ap- 
pendix V. § 8 below, and cf. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 290; Spie- 
gel, Hran. Alterthumskunde, i. 677. 

(c) Justin (c. A.p. 120), in his epitome of Pompeius Trogus’ 
Hist. Philippic. 1. 1. 9-10, makes Zoroaster a king of Bactria, a 
Magian, and the opponent of Ninus — bellum cum Zoroastre rege Bac- 
trianorum. See Appendix V. § 10 below. 

(d) Arnobius (4.p. 297), Adversus Gentes, 1. 5, also mentions a 
battle between the Assyrians and the Bactrians, under the leader- 
ship respectively of Ninus and Zoroaster: inter Assyrios et Bactrianos, 
Nino quondam Zoroastreque ductoribus. See Appendix V. § 16. 


1See also Justi in Grundr. d. iran. Philol. ii, 402. 


188 APPENDIX IV 


(e) Eusebius (A.p. 300), Chron. 4. 35, ed. Aucher, has a like allu- 
sion to Zoroaster, Bactria, and Ninus: Zoroastres Magus rex Bactri- 
anorum clarus habetur adversum quem Ninus dimicavit ; and again 
(Windischmann, p. 290), Preparatio Evang. 10. 9. 10, ed. Dind. p. 
560, Nivos, kal’ ov Zwpoactpys 6 Mayos Baxtpiwy éBacidevoe. See 
Appendix V. § 18 below. 

(f) Epiphanius of Constantia (A.p. 298-403) Adv. Heereses, Lib. 
I. tom. i. 6 (tom. 1. col. 185 seq., ed. Migne) associates Zoroaster’s 
name with Nimrod, and states that Zoroaster came to the east and 
founded Bactria: Zwpodorpys, os tpdow ywpyoas emi Ta avaTo\iKa pEpy 
oikictys yiyverat Baxtpwy. See Appendix V. § 21 below. The same 
statement is later repeated by Procopius of Gaza, see Appendix V. 
§ 33 below. 

(g) Ammianus Marcellinus, 23. 6. 32, in discussing magic rites, 
connects Zoroaster’s name with Bactria, but identifies Hystaspes 
(Vishtaspa) with the father of Darius: cuius scientiae saeculis priscis 
multa ex Chaldaeorum arcanis Bactrianus addidit Zoroastres, 
deinde Hystaspes rex prudentissimus, Darei pater. See Appendix V. 
§ 22 below. 

(h) Paulus Orosius (5th century A.p.) states that Ninus con- 
quered and slew Zoroaster of Bactria, the Magician. For the cita- 
tion and for the Anglo-Saxon version see p. 157 and Appendix V. 
§ 27 below. 

(i) Augustine (A.p. 354-430), de Civ. Dei, 21. 14 (tom. vii. col. 728, 
ed. Migne) follows the same idea in making Zoroaster a Bactrian 
whose name is associated with Ninus: a Nino quippe rege Assyri- 
orum, cum esset ipse (Zoroastres) Bactrianorum, bello superatus est. 
See Appendix V. § 28 below. 

(j) Isidorus (A.p. 570-636), EHtymol. 8. 9 (tom. iii. col. 310, ed. 
Migne): Magorum primus Zoroastes rex Bactrianorum, quem Ninus 
rex Assyriorum proelio interfecit; and he alludes to a statement of 
Aristotle regarding Zoroaster’s writings. See Appendix V. § 38 
below. Again Isidorus, Chron. (tom. v. col. 1024, ed. Migne): hac 
aetate magica ars in Perside a Zoroaste Bactrianorum rege 
reperta. A Nino rege occiditur. 

(k) Hugo de Sancto Victore (died a.p. 1140), Adnot. Elucid. in 
Pentateuchon —in Gen. (tom. i. col. 49, ed. Migne): rea Bactriae 
Nino vicinus et vocatus Zoroastes, inventor et auctor maleficiae math- 
ematicae artis. 


ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 189 


2. Media or Persia— Classical References placing Zoroaster in 
Western Iran 


There are nine or ten classical allusions, on the other hand, which 
connect Zoroaster’s name with Media, or rather with Persia, the 
latter term often being used doubtless in a broader sense. 

(a) Pliny the Elder (a.p. 23-79), NW. H. 30. 2. 1, for example, 
gives his opinion that the art of the Magi arose in Persia with Zoro- 
aster, but he is in doubt as to whether there were two Zoroasters or 
only one, and he alludes to a Proconnesian Zoroaster. Thus, in his 
first statement, he writes, WV. H. 30. 2. 1, sine dubio illic (ars Magica) 
orta in Perside a Zoroastre, ut inter auctores convenit. Sed unus hic 
fuerit, an postea alius, non satis constat. Again, in his second state- 
ment, when speaking of the Magian Osthanes, who accompanied 
Xerxes to Greece, he says, WN. H. 30. 2. 8, diligentiores paulo ante 
hunc (Osthanem) ponunt Zoroastrem alium Proconnesium. 
See Appendix V. § 5. 

Perhaps in this same connection may be mentioned the curious 
remark of the Scholiast to the Platonic Alcibiades (see Appendix 
V. § 1 below), to the effect that, according to some, Zoroaster was a 
‘Hellenian,’ or that he had come from the mainland beyond the sea: 
Zwpodorpys . . . ov ot pev "EXAyva, ot d¢ tov ek THs brep THY peyaAny 
Oaraccav jretpov opynnevov [ratda] pact, x7. A. See Appendix V. 
§ 1, and cf. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 275 n. 

(b) Clemens Alexandrinus (A.p. 200) speaks of Zoroaster either 
as a Mede or as a Persian, with an allusion incidentally to 
Pamphylia: Strom. i. (tom. i. col. 773, ed. Migne), Zwpodorpyy rov 
péyov rov Uéponv; and Strom. i. (tom. i. col. 868, ed. Migne), Zwpo- 
dotpys 6 Mydos. Cf. again Strom. v. on Tdpdvdos. See Appendix 
V. § 13 below. 

(c) Origenes (A.p. 185-254), Contra Celsum i. (tom. 1. col. 689, ed. 
Migne), speaks of Zoroaster as a Persian —rov Ilépoyv Zwpoacrpny. 
See Appendix V. § 14. 

(d) Diogenes Laertius (flor. c. A.p. 210), de Vit. Philos. Proem. 
2, writes of ‘ Zoroaster the Persian,’ — Zwpoactpyv tov TWéponv, — 
and apparently bases various statements which he makes about 
him on the authority of Hermodorus (z.c. 250?) and Xanthus of 
Lydia (s.c. 500-450). The text should be consulted; see Appen- 
dix V. § 15 below. 

(e) Porphyrius (s.p. 233-304), de Antro Nymph. 6.7, refers, at 


190 APPENDIX IV 


least, to Zoroaster’s retirement into a cave ‘in the mountains of Per- 
sia’: Zwpoacrpov airopves omyAaov ev Tots TAnoov dpeot THS Hepoidos. 
The context shows that the region of Persia in a general sense is 
intended. See Appendix V. § 17, and cf. Windischmann, Mithra, 
Abh. f. Kunde d. Morgenl. i. 62, Leipzig, 1857. 

(f) Lactantius (about A.p. 300), Inst. 7. 15, refers to Hystaspes 
(Zoroaster’s patron) as an ancient king of Media, long antedating 
the founding of Rome: Hystaspes quoque, qui fuit Medorum rex 
antiquissimus (cf. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 6, and Windischmann, 
Zor. Stud. p. 259, 293). 

(g) Gregory of Tours (A.D. 538-593), Hist. Francor. 1. 5 (col. 164 
seq., ed. Migne), identifying Zoroaster with Chus (Cham or Ham), 
places him among the Persians, to whom he is said to have immi- 
grated: hic ad Persas transiit; hune Persae vocitavere Zoroastrem. 
See Appendix V. § 37. 

(h) Chronicon Paschale or Chron. Alexandrinum (A.p. 7th cen- 
tury, but with spurious additions A.p. 1042), col. 148 seq., ed Migne, 
has 6 Zwpdactpos 6 aotpovémos Ilépowy 6 repiBonros. Again the allu- 
sion is very general in sense. See Appendix V. § 39. 

(i) It may be noted merely in passing that Georgius Syncellus 
(about a.p. 800), Chron. i. p. 147, alludes to a Zoroaster who was 
one of the Median rulers over Babylon more than a thousand years 
before the Christian era. No emphasis need be laid upon the pas- 
sage, nor any stress upon identifying the name necessarily with the 
Prophet; the chief interest of the allusion consists in its showing 
that the name Zoroaster was found in Media. See Justi, Grundriss 
der iran. Phil. ti. 402; Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 302; Haug, A 
Lecture on Zoroaster, p. 23, Bombay, 1865. Consult Appendix Y. 
§ 41 below. 

(j) Suidas (about A.p. 970), s.v. Zwpoderpys, assumes a second 
famous representative of the name, a Perso-Median sage (Ilepco- 
pydys, copds). This is evidently the Prophet. See Appendix V. § 45. 

(k) Michael Glycas (flourished about A.p. 1150), Ann. Pars ii. col. 
253, ed. Migne, repeats the statements current about Ninus, Semi- 
ramis, and Zoroaster, whom he speaks of under the general term of 
Persian, — Zwpoacrpos 6 repiBonros Mepodv aorpovopos, — and he adds 
several allusions to the magic art in Media and Persia: rv aorpovopiay 





Aéyovrar rparov eipyKevar BaBvdrvior da Zwpodorpov, Sevrepoy dé edefavro 
ot Aiytrrior; tiv dé payeiay etpov Mido, «ira Uepoa. See Appendix 
V. § 47. 


ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 191 


Estimate of the Classical Allusions. — The classical allusions on 
the subject of Zoroaster’s nationality are rather contradictory and 
conflicting. They refer to Bactria on the one hand and to Media 
and Persia on the other. The allusions to Persia are doubtless to 
be taken in a broad and general sense. It will be noticed, moreover, 
that the direct place of birth is not necessarily implied in these 
national appellatives. In point of time, few of the classical passages 
are much older than the more direct Oriental allusions; some of 
them are even later. They are of value chiefly for bringing out 
both sides of the question of eastern Iran and western Iran, and they 
are of importance when checked by tradition or when used for 
throwing additional light on tradition. 


B. Oriental References to Zoroaster’s Place of Origin 
—The Tradition 


Laying the classical authorities aside, we may now have recourse 
to the more direct Oriental tradition. For the most part the 
Oriental material is either directly Iranian or it is Arabic matter 
drawn from Iranian sources. This gives it a special value. The 
statements on the subject may therefore be taken up in detail; the 
allusions found in the Pahlavi or patristic writings of Zoroastrianism 
will first be presented; these will then be elucidated further by 
references in Arabic and Syriac authors; and, finally, they will be 
judged in the light of the Avesta itself. If the Oriental citations be 
examined critically, they will be found generally to be quite con- 
sistent in their agreement on the place of Zoroaster’s origin. 


Western Iran— Atropatene, Media— the Scene of Zoroaster’s Appear- 
ance according to Oriental Sources 


There is a general uniformity among Oriental writings which 
touch on the subject in locating the scene of Zoroaster’s appearance 
in western Iran, either in Adarbaijan (Atropatene) or in Media 
Proper (Media Rhagiana). The city of Urmi (mod. Urumiah, 
Oroomiah), Shiz, or the district round about Lake Oroomiah (Av. 
Caécasta or Caécista), and Rai (Av. Ragha) are the rivals for the 
honor of being his home. The sea of Caécista is the Galilee of 
Zoroastrianism ; Shiz and Ragha, the Nazareth and the Bethlehem 
of Iran. Urmi and Shiz represent Atropatene; Rai (Ragha) stands 
for Media Proper. 


192 APPENDIX IV 


The rivalry between the two regions mentioned, and the associa- 
tion of Zoroaster’s name, first with Media Atropatene (Adarbaijan), 
and then with the Median Rai (Media Rhagiana), happily finds an 
explanation in a remark made by Shahrastani (A.p. 1086-1158). 
This Arab writer gives us the key to the problem when he says of 
Zoroaster that ‘his father was of the region of Adarbaijan; his 
mother, whose name was Dughdi, came from the city of Rai’? 

This statement of Shahrastani is apparently vouched for by the 
Dinkart (7. 2. 7-13), from which source we learn that Zoroaster’s 
mother before her marriage with Pourushaspa (Portishaspo) resided 
in a different district from the latter. As a girl she becomes filled 
with a divine splendor and glory; the phenomenon causes her to be 
suspected of witchcraft, and her father is induced by idolatrous 
priests to send her from his home. She goes to Patiragtaraspo, 
‘father of a family in the country of the Spitamas, in the district of 
Alak (or Arak),’* where she marries Pourushaspa the son. This 
district is probably connected with the ‘ Arag province’ (Zsp. 20. 4), 
which latter is undoubtedly a part of Adarbaijan.t* Furthermore, 
by way of localization, we note that the village of Patiragtaraspo is 
stated to have been situated in a valley (Dk. 7. 2. 11-13); and the 
house of the son Pourushaspa, Zoroaster’s father, is elsewhere spoken 
of as occupying the bank of the river Darej, which may have been 
the home of the Prophet’s parents after they married.’ 

Lastly, by way of introduction, it must be noticed that there is an 
old proverb in Pahlavi literature which characterizes anything that 
is preposterous as something that could hardly happen ‘even if Rak 
(or Ragh) and Notar should come together’ (Dk. 7. 2. 51; 7. 3.19; 
Zsp. 16. 11-18, and cf. Dk. 7.3. 39). In Zsp. 16. 12-18, these proper 
names, Ragh and Notar, are explained as ‘two provinces which are 
in Atir-patakan (Adarbaijan), such as are at sixty leagues (para- 


1 See my article in JAOS. xv. 228. 

2 See JAOS. xv. 228, and cf. Hyde, 
Hist. Religionis vet. Pers. p.298 ; Gott- 
heil, References to Zoroaster, p. 48 
(bis) ; Darmesteter, SBE. iv. (2ded.), 
p. 261, Le ZA. iii. 35, n. and Introd. p. 
89,n. 2. See also p.17 above and p. 199. 

8 Quotation from Dk. 7. 2.9 (West’s 
translation, SBE. xlvii. 20). 

4On ‘Arag,’ consult West, SBE. 


xlvii. 151, n. ; and, slightly differently, 
Darmesteter, Le ZA. iii. Introd. p. 
89, n. 2. West writes me, Nov. 1, 1897, 
Ragh = Rak = Arak = Alak = Ay. 
Ragha. 

5 Bd. 20. 32; 24. 15; Zsp. 22. 12; 
Vd.19.4; 19.11. Shahrastanispeaks 
of a mountain (Jsm)uwiz-war (read- 
ing ?), in Adarbaijan, associated with 
Zoroaster’s birth. 


ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 193 


sang, i.e. 210 to 240 miles) from Cist;? Zaratisht arose from Ragh, 
and Vishtasp from Notar. And of these two provinces, Ragh was 
according to the name of Ericd, son of Dirésrdbo, son of Manush- 
cihar, from whom arose the race of Zaratisht; and Notar was 
according to the name of Notar, son of Maniishcihar, from whom 
arose the race of Vishtasp.’? 

So much by way of introduction. We may now proceed to dis- 
cuss Adarbaijan (Atropatene) and Media (Media Rhagiana) respec- 
tively. 

1. Adarbaijan (Atropatene) 


The connection of Zoroaster with Lake Caécista, Urumiah, Shiz, 
and the territory round about, may be further illustrated by quota- 
tions in Zoroastrian literature. 


a. ALLUSIONS IN ZOROASTRIAN LITERATURE 


The allusions to Adarbaijan will first be presented, and then an 
attempt will be made to localize, if possible, the region known in 
the Avesta as Airyana Vaéjah (Phl. Airan-Véj), and the river called 
Darej or Daraja. 

(a) The Bindahishn places the home of Zoroaster in Airan Véj, 
by the river Daraja. Bd. 20. 32, Daraja rit pavan Atran Vej, munas 
mant Porisasp6 abitar-i Zaratist pavan bar yehevint, ‘the Daraja 
river is in Airan Véj, on whose bank (bar) was the abode of 
Portshasp, the father of Zaratiisht.’* 

(b) The Bindahishn, in another passage, also states that Zoro- 
aster was born near the Daraja River. Bd. 24.15, Daraja rut rut- 
baran rat, mamanas man-i abitar-i Zaratist pavan bala ;* Zaratust 
tamman zat, ‘the Daraja River is the chief of exalted rivers, for the 
abode of Zaratisht’s father was upon its banks; and Zaratasht was 
born there.’ 


1Jf we assume that Cist (Av. Caé- 
cista) is Lake Urumiah, then ‘60 para- 
sangs’ (210-240 miles) would place 
Ragh and Notar considerably outside 
of the boundaries of the present Adar- 
baijin. So noticed by West (personal 
letter, dated Nov. 1, 1897). This would 
favor the common identification of 
Ragh, the home of Zoroaster’s mother, 
with the ruins of Rai. 

2 Zsp. 16. 11-12 (West’s translation, 

oO 


SBE. xlvii. 146-147). In the Avesta, 
Vishtaspa is of the family of Naotair- 
yans, and so also is Hutaosa his wife. 
Cf. Yt. 5.98; 15. 835and SBE. xvii. 80, 
n. 1 and p. 70 above. 

8 See also West, SBE. v. 82, and p. 
204 below. 

4To be emended ; see the remarks 
on the reading of the word by West, 
SBE. v. 89, n. 6. 


194 APPENDIX IV 


(c) Zat-sparam, 22. 12, makes one of Zoroaster’s conferences with 
the archangels to have taken place ‘on the precipitous bank of the 
Dareja’ (pavan Darejin zbar). See West, SBE. xlvii. 162 n. There 
ean be little doubt that this assertion, like the unequivocal state- 
ments of the Bindahishn, rests upon good old tradition; the three 
allusions accord perfectly with hints which are found in the Avesta 
itself. 

(d) In the Avesta, Vd. 19. 4; 19. 11, we likewise learn that Zoro- 
aster’s temptations by Ahriman, as well as his visions of Ormazd 
and the archangels, took place, in part at least, wpon the banks of 
the river Darej, where stood the house of his father Pourushaspa: 
Vd. 19. 4, Drajya paiti zbarahi nmanahe Pourushaspahe, ‘by the 
Darej, upon its high bank, at the home (loc. gen.) of Pourushaspa.’ 
Compare Phl. pavan Darejin zbar in the preceding paragraph. A 
little farther on in the same chapter we read: Vd. 19. 11, parasat 
Laradustro Ahuram Mazdam ... Drajya paiti zbarahe, Ahurai Maz- 
dai varhave, Vohu-Maite Gahand, Asai Vahistai, XSadrai Vairydi, 
Spantayai Armatae, ‘Zoroaster communed with Ahura Mazda on the 
high bank of the Darej, sitting (?) before the good Ahura Mazda, 
and before Good Thought, before Asha Vahishta, Khshathra Vairya, 
and Spenta Armaiti.’? 

With regard to localizations, there is good ground for believing 
that Airan Véj (Av. Airyana Vaéjah) is to be identified in part at 
least with Adarbaijain, and that the ancient Darej of the Avesta 
(Phl. Daraja) is identical with the modern Daryai. The Daryai 
Rid flows from Mt. Savalan (Sebilan), in Adarbaijan, northward 
into the Aras (Araxes).’ If the identification be correct and the 


1 The reference to the elevation or 
the precipitous bank of the river, Ay. 
zbarah, Phi. zbar, bar (cf. Skt. hvdras), 
seems to be in accordance with the 
tradition that Zoroaster retired to a 
mountain for meditation ; see Vd. 22. 
19, gairim avi spanto-frasna, varasam 
avi spanto-frasnit, ‘to the mountain of 
the two who held holy converse; to 
the wood where the two (Ormazd and 
Zoroaster) had holy communings.’ 
See similar ideas above, p. 34. If it 
were not for the Pahlavi passages, one 
might be inclined to render Ay. zba- 


rahi, ‘at a bend’ (of the river), or as 
adj. ‘meandering’; cf. Skt. ./ hvar, 
‘to be crooked, to wind’; or even the 
idea ‘in a cave’ might be gotten ety- 
mologically from the word; and the 
cave played a part in Zoroastrian and 
Mithraic mysteries. On the latter point 
compare Windischmann, JMithra, pp. 
62-64, in Abh. K. Morg. i. No. 1, 1857. 

2 See also Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta 
tr. SBE. iv. Introd. p. 49 (1st ed.). 
For the river Aras (Araxes), see 
de Harlez, Avesta traduit, p. viii. map ; 
also the map of Persia by Philip 


ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 195 


ancient Darej, Daraja, was in Atropatene, it is wholly in keeping 
with what follows; for in this connection may be noticed a later 
non-Iranian tradition which associates Zoroaster’s name with Shiz 
(cf. Av. Caécista) and with Mt. Savalan. Consult the Map. 

This tradition which supports the assumed identification Dare}, 
Daraja, Daryai, is found in the Arabic writer Kazwini (about A.D. 
1263). The passage in which Kazwini speaks of Shiz in Adar- 
baijan is as follows: ‘Zaradusht, the prophet of the Magians, takes 
his origin from here (¢.e. Adarbaijan). It is said that he came from 
Shiz. He went to the mountain Sabalan, separated from men. He 
brought a book the name of which was Basta. It was written in 
Persian, which could not be understood except with the assistance of 
a commentator. He appeared, claiming the gift of prophecy, at the 
time of Gushtasp, the son of Lohrasp, the son of Kai-Khusrau, king 
of Persia’? Mount Sabalan (Savalan) may be the Avestan ‘Mount 
of the Holy Communicants,’ with a sacred tree perhaps (Vd. 22. 19, 
gairim spanto-frasna, varasam spanto-frasna), for Kazwini elsewhere 
says of Sabalan: ‘It is related that the Prophet (i.e. Mohammed) 
said: Sabalan is a mountain between Armenia and Adarbaijan. 
On it is one of the graves of the prophets. He said further: On 
the top of the mountain is a large spring, the water of which is 
frozen on account of the severe cold; and around the mountain are 
hot springs to which sick people come. At the foot of the mountain 
is a large tree, and under this there is a plant to which no animal 
will draw near. If it comes near it, the animal flees away ; if it eat of 
it, it dies.’ The religious character of the place, the mountain, the 
tree, the springs, would answer well for the identification suggested 
for the modern Daryai Rid in Adarbaijan. 

This much having been prefaced with reference to Adarbaijan 
and with regard to the river near which the Prophet probably 
passed some of his early years, or in the neighborhood of which he 


& Son (London), Rand & McNally where Rawlinson’s identification of 
(New York), and especially by Keith Shiz with Takht-i Suleiman is 
Johnson (Edinburgh and London) at noticed. 


the end of this volume. 2 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
1 Kazwini, ii. p. 267, ed. Wiisten- _ p. 40. 
feld, Géttingen, 1848 (Gottheil, Refer- 3 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 


ences to Zoroaster, p. 40); consult pp. 41-42. According to Gottheil, the 
also Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta, tr. tree appears also in connection with 
SBE. iv. Introd. p. 49 (1st ed.), Zoroaster in Syriac legends. 


196 APPENDIX IV 


may have been born (Bd. 24. 15), if not at Urumiah, we are next 
prepared to take up the question of Airan Vé)j. 

Direct Iranian tradition explicitly connects the opening of Zoro- 
aster’s prophetic career with Airyana Vaéjah of the Avesta, or Airan 
Véj in Pahlavi. This land is sometimes regarded as mythical; but, 
like a number of other scholars, I do not agree with that view. I 
am inclined strongly to favor the opinion of those who think we 
have good reason for believing that Airyana Vaéjah is to be localized 
in the west of Iran, as the Pahlavi locates it, and that this also 
points to the notion that Zoroaster originally came from that 
direction eastward. The Bindahishn expressly connects Airan Véj 
with Atropatene : Bd. 29. 12, Airan Vej pavan kust-i Atirpatakan. 
The present opinion of scholars tends to uphold this localization.’ 
The river Darej, near which stood the house of Zoroaster’s father, 
was in Airan V6j, as already stated, and an identification was accord- 
ingly suggested. In the Avesta, moreover, Zoroaster is familiarly 
spoken of as ‘renowned in Airyana Vaéjah’ (Ys. 9. 14, srutd airyene 
vaéjahe). The Prophet is also there represented as offering sacrifice 
in Airyana Vaéjah by the river Daitya (see below): Yt. 5. 104; 9. 
25; 17. 45, airyene vaéjahi vawhuya daityaya. The Bindahishn 
likewise alludes to the fact that Zoroaster first offered worship in 
Airan Véj and received Métyémah (Av. Maidydi-mamha) as his first 
disciple. The passage reads, Bd. 32. 3, ‘Zarattisht, when he brought 
the religion, first celebrated worship in Airain Véj] and Métyomah 
received the religion from him.’? In the Dinkart also, as well as in 
the Avesta, the river Daiti and its affluents in the land of Airan Véj 
form the scene of Zoroaster’s first revelation and of certainly one of 
his interviews with the archangels, the majority of which took place 
in Atropatene ( Dk. 7. 3. 51-54; 4. 29; 8. 60; 9. 23; Zsp. 21.5; 21. 
13; 22.2; 22.9).3 In the later Persian Zartusht Namah, Zoroaster 
passes the Daiti before he proceeds on his mission to King Vishtasp.* 


1 Darmesteter, Le ZA. ii. 5-6 ; Geld- 
ner, Grundr. d. iran. Phil. ii. 38; simi- 


Phil. ii. 889. Spiegel notices the ques- 
tion of Airyanem Vaéjo in ZDMG. 


larly Justi, Spiegel, and de Harlez 
make Media the home of the Avesta. 
The strongest opponent of this view, 
and warmest supporter of Bactria, is 
Geiger, Ostiranische Kultur, Erlangen, 
1882; Sitz. d. Kgl. bayr. Akad., Mai, 
1884, and recently Grundr. d. iran. 


xli. 289. 

2 Cf. West, SBE. v. 141, and Justi, 
Der Bundahesh, p. 79. 

3 Cf. p. 40 seq., above. 

4 See Eastwick’s translation in Wil- 
son, Parsi Religion, p. 491. 


ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 197 


The hallowed Daitya!—a sort of Iranian Jordan —was perhaps 
a border stream between two territorial divisions; we recall that 
Vishtaspa sacrifices ‘on the other side of it’ (cf. pasne, Yt. 17. 49) 
as discussed elsewhere, p. 211. The proposed identification of the 
Daitya and its affluents, with the modern Kizel Uzen, Spéd or Safed 
Rad and its tributaries in Adarbaijan has already been mentioned 
as satisfying most of the conditions of the problem.’ 


B. Awtusions In MoHAMMEDAN WRITERS 


Having examined the direct Iranian sources in the light of pos- 
sible allusions to Atropatene, we may now turn to other material on 
the subject. Mohammedan writers are almost unanimous in placing 
the first part of Zoroaster’s prophetic career in Adarbaijan (Azar- 
baijan) or in stating that he came originally from that region.* The 
traditions cluster about Urumiah (Urmi) and Shiz. The Arabic 
name Shiz is the counterpart of an Iranian Ciz (from Caécista), or 
Lake Urumiah.t The Arab geographer Yaktt (A.p. 1250) describes 
‘Shiz,a district of Azarbaijin ... which is believed to be the 
country of Zaradusht, the prophet of the fire-worshippers. The 
chief place of this district is Urmiah’;*° and under Urmiah he 
writes: ‘It is believed that this is the city of Zaradusht and that 
it was founded by the fire-worshippers.’ ® 

There are a dozen other such statements which will be given 
below, but before presenting them it will be well merely to note that 
two or three Arabic authors allude to Zoroaster as being of Pales- 
tinian origin, and they state that he came from that land to Adar- 
baijan; and they proceed to identify him with Baruch, the scribe of 
Jeremiah. This confusion is presumably due to their having con- 


VG 
founded the Arabic form of the name Jeremiah, Armiah (say!) 


1Zit. the ‘river of the Law,’ on 
which it was first promulgated. 

2 See pp. 41, 211. The same sugges- 
tion has been made tentatively by 
West, SBE. v. 79 n.; but Justi, Gdr. 
d. iran. Phil. ii. 402, proposes either 
the Kur or the Aras. Similarly Dar- 
mesteter, Le ZA. ii. 6, n. 

® The quotations in the following 
paragraphs are made from the mono- 
graph of my friend and colleague, 


Gottheil, References to Zoroaster in 
Syriac and Arabic Literature, Drisler 
Classical Studies, New York, 1894 
(Columbia University Press). 

4 See Darmesteter, Le ZA. iii. p. 
xxi, n. 2, and cf. Justi, Handbuch, s.v. 
Caécasta. 

5 See Barbier de Meynard, Dict. de 
la Perse, extrait de Yaqout, Paris, 
1861, p. 367. 

6 Ibid. p. 26, 85. 


198 APPENDIX IV 


with Zoroaster’s supposed native place Urumiah, Urmiah (xayl)- 
Having noticed this point we may present the Arabic and Syriac 
allusions to Zoroaster’s native place, which are almost unanimous in 
mentioning Adarbaijan (Azarbaijan). 

(a) Ibn Khurdadhbah (about a.p. 816), Kitab al-Masalik wa’l- 
Mamilik, p. 119 (ed. De Goeje, Leyden, 1889) writes of ‘ Urmiah, 
the city of Zaradusht, and Salamas and Shiz, in which last city 
there is the temple of Adharjushnas, which is held in high esteem 
by the Magians.’® 

(b) Ahmad ibn Yahya al-Baladhuri (about a.p. 851) in his A7tab 
Futih al-buldan (De Goeje, Liber Expugnationis Regnorum, p. 381. 
1, Leyden, 1866), in mentioning the conquest of Adarbaijan, adds the 
following note: ‘Urmiah is an ancient city (of Adarbaijan); the 
Magians think that Zaradusht, their master, came from there.’ * 

(c) Ibn al-Fakih al-Hamadhani (about a.p. 910), in his geo- 
graphical account (ed. De Goeje, Leyden, 1885, p. 286) mentions as 
cities of Adarbaijin: ‘Janzah, Jabrawan, and Urmiah, the city of 
Zaradusht, and Shiz, in which there is the fire-temple, Adhar- 
jushnas, which is.held in high esteem by the Magians.’? 

(d) Tabari (d. a.p. 923), in his history, gives considerable atten- 
tion to Zoroaster; out of a number of allusions one passage may be 
selected. It will be noticed, as explained above, pp. 38, 166, that 
Tabari mentions a belief that Zoroaster was a native of Palestine 
who came to Adarbaijén. In his Annales, Part I. p. 648 (Brill, 
Leyden, 1881), the passage runs: ‘During the reign of Bishtasp 
(Vishtasp) Zaradusht appeared, whom the Magians believe to be 
their prophet. According to some learned men among the people ot 
the book (i.e. the Jews), he was of Palestinian origin, a servant 
to one of the disciples of Jeremiah the prophet, with whom he was 
a favorite; but he proved treacherous and false to him. Wherefore 


1Cf. pp. 30, 166 above and Gottheil, 
References to Zoroaster, p. 30, n. 2. 

2 His father is stated to have been 
a Magian, Gottheil, References to Zoro- 
aster, p. 44. 

8 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
p. 44. 

+ Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
p. 33. It is not necessary at this point 
to repeat also the allusion to ‘ Persia’ 


in the Christian patriarch Eutychius 
of Alexandria (a.p. 876-939) when he 
mentions Zoroaster. This author wrote 
in Arabic; the passage is given above 
in a Latin version in Appendix II. p. 
168, and it may be found rendered into 
Latin in Migne, Patrolog. Gr., tom. 111. 

5 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
p. 44. 


ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 199 


God cursed him, and he became leprous.!. He wandered to Adar- 
baijan, and preached there the Magian religion. From there he went 
to Bishtasp, who was in Balkh. Now when he (Zoroaster) had 
come before him and preached his doctrine to him, it caused him to 
marvel, and he compelled his people to accept it, and put many of 
his people to death on its account. They then followed it (the 
religion). Bishtasp reigned one hundred and twelve years.’? 

(e) Masidi (writing a.p. 943-944, died 951) states in his Meadows 
of Gold: ‘Gushtasp reigned after his father (Lohrasp) and resided 
at Balkh. He had been on the throne thirty years when Zardusht, 
son of Espiman, presented himself before him... he (Zardusht) 
was originally from Adarbaijan and he is ordinarily called Zardusht, 
son of Espiman.’® 

(f) Hamzah al-Isfahani (a.p. eleventh century) in his Annals, p. 22, 
26 (Gottwaldt, Hamzae Ispahanensis Annalium, Libri x, Lipsiae, 
1848) states: ‘While King Lohrasp was still living, the sovereignty 
was handed over to his son Gushtasp; and in the thirtieth year of 
Gushtasp’s reign, when he himself was fifty years old, Zardusht 
of Adarbaijan came to him and expounded the religion to him. 
He not only embraced the religion himself, but he also sent messen- 
gers to the Greeks in behalf of this faith and invited them to 
adopt it. They, on the contrary, produced a book which had been 
given them by Feridiin, in which it was agreed that they should be 
allowed to keep whatsoever religion they had themselves chosen.’ * 

(g) Shahrastani (born A.p. 1086) has the famous statement already 
noticed, pp. 17, 192: ‘They (the Zaradushtiya) are the followers of 
Zaradusht ibn Birshasb (Purshasp), who appeared in the time of 
King Kushtasf (Gushtasp) ibn Lohrasp; his father was from Adar- 
baijan, and his mother, whose name was Dughdi, was from Rai.’* 
According to Shahrastani the Prophet’s birth takes place in 
Adarbaijan. 

(h) Ibn al-Athir (A.p. 13th century) incorporates the greater part 
of Tabari’s history into his Kitab al-Kamil fi al-ta‘arikh, with slight 


1Cf. p. 30 and Appendix II. p. 166. 4 After Gottwaldt’s Latin transla- 

2 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, tion. See also Gottheil, References to 
pp. 36-37. Zoroaster, p. 33. 

3 From Masidi (Macoudi), Prairies 5 From the German translation by 


@ Or, Texte et traduction par Barbier Haarbriicker, i. p. 275 seq. ; see Got- 
de Meynard, ii. p. 123. See Gottheil, theil, References to Zoroaster, p. 48. 
References to Zoroaster, p. 34. 


200 APPENDIX IV 
additions from other sources, and with a more concise arrangement. 
His account of Zoroaster closely follows Tabari’s lines, including 
the statement regarding Zoroaster’s relation to Jeremiah,’ and his 
wandering to Adarbaijan: ‘It is said, he adds, that he was a for- 
eigner,’ and that he had composed a book with which he went 
around in the land. No one knew its meaning. He pretended that 
it was a heavenly tongue in which he was addressed. He called it 
Ashta.? He went from Adarbaijan to Faris (Persia). But no one 
understood what was in it, nor did they receive him. Then he went 
to India and offered it to the princes there. Then he went to China 
and to the Turks, but not one of them would receive him. They 
drove him out from their country. He travelled to Ferghanah, but 
its prince wished to kill him. From there he fled and came to 
Bishtasp (Vishtasp), son of Lohrasp, who commanded that he be 
imprisoned. He suffered imprisonment for some time.’* And Ibn 
al-Athir farther on relates: ‘Then Bishtasp caused Zaradusht, who 
was in Balkh, to be brought to him. When he stood before the 
king he explained his religion to him. The king wondered at it, 
followed it, and compelled his people to do the same. He killed 
a large number of them until they accepted (the new religion). The 
Magians believe that he took his rise in Adarbaijan and that 
he came down to the king through the roof of the chamber. In his 
hand was a cube of fire with which he played without its hurting 
him; nor did it burn any one who took it from his hands. He 
caused the king to follow him and to hold to his religion, and to 
build temples in his land for the fires. From this they lighted the 
fire in the fire-temples.’ ° 

(i) Yakut (about a.p. 1250) has already been cited, but the allu- 
sions from Gottheil’s collection (p. 42) are added here for complete- 
ness. The Aitab Mu‘jam al-buldan (vol. ili. p. 354, ed. Wiistenfeld) 
remarks of Shiz: ‘It is said that Zaradusht, the prophet of the 
Magians, comes from this place. Its chief city is Urmiah.... In 
it is a fire-temple which is held in great esteem. From it are lighted 
the fires of the Magians from the east unto the west.’ Also, vol. 1. 


1 See comment on pp. 197-198. 

2 Min al-‘ajam; probably a Persian 
(Gottheil). 

3 Mistake for Abasta, Avesta. 

4The notion of Zoroaster’s wan- 
derings is not inconsistent with what 


is implied in the Dinkart ; the impris- 
onment is also familiar from the sto- 
ries in the Dinkart and Zartusht 
Namah, p. 62 above. 

5 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
pp. 39-40. 


ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 201 


p. 219, Yakat has: ‘Urmiah . . . people believe it to be the city of 
Zaradusht, the prophet of the Magians.’} 

(j) Kazwint (about a.p. 1263), Cosmography, ii. p. 267 (ed. Wiis- 
tenfeld, Géttingen, 1848), speaking of Shiz in Adarbaijan, recounts: 
‘Zaradusht, the prophet of the Magians, takes his origin from here. 
It is said that he came from Shiz. He went to the mountain Saba- 
lan, separated from men. He brought a book the name of which 
was Basta. It was written in Persian which could not be under- 
stood except with the assistance of a commentator. He appeared, 
claiming the gift of prophecy, at the time of Kushtasp, the son of 
Lohrasp, the son of Kai Khusrau, king of the Persians. He wished 
to get to Bishtasp, but he did not succeed. Bishtasp was sitting in 
the hall of state, when the roof of the hall parted in two, and Zara- 
dusht came down from it.’ And, after describing some of the details 
of Vishtasp’s conversion, Kazwini concludes: ‘Zaradusht commanded 
that fire-temples should be built in all the kingdom of Bishtasp. He 
made the fire a Kibla, not a god. This sect continued to exist until 
the prophet of God (Mohammed) was sent. They say that even 
to-day a remnant of it is to be found in the land of Sajistan.’? 

(k) The Syriac writer, Gregorius Bar ‘Ebhraya (about a.p. 1250) 
in his Arabic Chronicon, p. 83 (ed. Salhani, Beirut, 1890), following 
his Arab masters, says: ‘In those days (of Cyrus and Cambyses) 
Zaradosht, chief of the Magian sect, by birth of Adarbaijan, or, 
as some say, of Athor (Assyria). It is reported that he was one of 
Elijah’s disciples, and he informed the Persians of the sign of the 
birth of Christ, and that they should bring him gifts.’® 

(i) Abulfeda (4.p. 1273-1331), Annals, vol. iii. p. 58, as cited by 
Hyde, states that Zoroaster arose in ( s)') Urmi or (x40!) Urmiah. 


See Hyde, Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. p. 311 (1st ed.). Hyde discusses 
other Arabic references, pp. 312-317. See below, Appendix VI. § 2. 

Estimate of the Mohammedan Allusions. — According to the Arabic 
statements one would be justified in assuming that Zoroaster arose 
in Adarbaijan; there seems also to be a preponderance of state- 
ments to the effect that Balkh was the scene of the Prophet’s con- 
version of Vishtdsp. 


1 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 8 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
p. 42. p. 32. 

2 Gottheil, References to Zoroaster, 
pp. 40-41. 


202 APPENDIX IV 


2. Ragha, Ral (Media Rhagiana) 


All the above traditional Oriental allusions have been unanimous 
in placing Zoroaster’s origin in Adarbaijan, or Media Atropatene, 
whether in Urumiah, Shiz, or on the river Darej. There are yet 
two other passages, drawn from the Avesta, which connect Zoroas- 
ter’s name with Ragha. 

Ragha is generally identified with the city of Rai (Gk. “Paya:) of 
Media, whose ancient ruins are still pointed out near modern Tehe- 
ran. This was a famous city in antiquity, the ‘Rages of Media’ in 
the O. T. Apocrypha." The Pahlavi texts seem to regard it as part 
of Atir-patakan.2 Perhaps the boundaries of Adarbaijan were 
wider extended then than now, although Darmesteter suggests that 
possibly there may have been a Ragha in Adarbaijan independent 
of Rai*® This seems hardly necessary from what follows. We 
must also remember that Raga in the Ancient Persian inscriptions 
is a district or province, dahyu. The subject of Ragha requires 
further discussion, but it may be stated at the outset that these 
allusions, in any event, lend additional weight to the view of Zo- 
roaster’s belonging originally to western Iran. 

But before taking up the detailed question of Av. Ragha, Phl. 
Ragh, Mod. Pers. Rai, it will be well to cite an extract from the 
Dabistan, a work that is late in its present form (about A.p. 1650), 
but a book which contains old traditions. The passage runs: ‘It is 
generally reported that Zardusht was of Adarbaijan or Tabriz; but 
those who are not Beh-dinians, or “true believers,” assert, and the 
writer of this work has also heard from the Mobed Torru of Busa- 
wari, in Gujarat, that the birthplace and distinguished ancestors of 
the prophet belong to the city of Rai’* With this information we 
may turn to the Avesta itself. 

(a) The first of the two Avesta texts which evidently associate 
Zoroaster’s name in some way with Ragha is Vd. 1. 15, and the Pah- 
lavi version of the passage is interesting. The Avesta passage 
reads: Vd. 1. 15, dvadasam asanhamca soidranamca vahistam frad- 


10On ‘Rhage,’ see my article in 4 Dabistan, tr. Shea and Troyer, i. 
Harper’s Dict. of Classical Antiqui-  p. 268, Paris, 1843. The translator 
ties, pp. 1869-1870, New York, 1897. adds a note that Rai is the most north- 

2k.g. Zsp. 16. 12, West, SBH. ern town of the province Jebal, or 
xlvii. 147, et al. Trak Ajem, the country of the ancient 


8 Le ZA. ii. 13, n., 33. Parthians, 


ZOROASTER’S NATIVE PLACE 203 


warasam azam yo ahurd mazda rayam Orizantim, ‘as the twelfth most 
excellent of localities and places, I who am Ahura Mazda created 
Ragha of the three races.’ The Pahlavi commentary renders, rak i 3 
toxmak atur-patakano, ‘Rak of three races, of Attr-pitakan,’! and 
he adds the gloss, aétun mun réi yemalelunéto, ‘some say it is Rai.’ 
Notice the footnote.? 

(b) The second of the Avestan passages which connects the name 
of Zoroaster with Ragha is in Ys. 19.18. Mention is there made of 
five regular rulers, ‘the lord of the house, the village, the province, 
and the country, and Zarathushtra as the fifth.’ This order, as the 
text continues, holds good for all countries ‘except the Zarathush- 
trian Raji (or Raghi; is it Rai?) ‘The Zarathushtrian Ragha 
(Raya Zaragustris) has four lords, the lord of the house, the village, 
the province, and Zarathushtra as the fourth.” The text is 
appended. 

Ys. 19. 18, Kaya ratavi ? nmanyo visyd zantumd dakyumd zara- 
Oustrd puxsd. daham dahyunam ya anyté rajoit zaraduSstroit. 
cabru-ratus raya zaraduSstris. kaya aivhi ratavd ? nmanyasca 
visyasca zantumasca zaradustré tuiryd. This construction evi- 
dently signifies that the Dahyuma, or governor, is everywhere the 
supreme head, but there is acknowledged one who stands above him 
as representative of the church, as well as state, the chief pontiff 
Zoroaster (Zarathushtra), or ‘the supreme Zoroaster’ (Zarathushtro- 
tema), as he is elsewhere termed (e.g. Ys. 26.1; Yt. 10. 115, etc.). 
In the papal see of Ragha, however, the temporal power (Dahyuma) 
and the spiritual lordship (Zarathushtra) are united in the one 
person.® For some reason Ragha is plainly the seat of the religious 
government. The Pahlavi version (ad loc.) speaks of it in connec- 
tion with Zoroaster as being ‘his own district’ (mata-t nafSman) ;* 
the Sanskrit of Nérydsang glosses the allusion by asserting that 


1Cf. Darab D. P. Sanjana, Pahlavi 
Version of the Avesta Vendidad, p. 8, 
Bombay, 1895. 

2 Allusion has been made above 
(p. 202) to the question of a Ragha in 
Adarbaijan as possibly contrasted with 
the ‘Paya: of the Greek, or possibly to 
a Raya Zaradustris different from Rai ; 
ef. also the Anc. Pers. Ragd as a dis- 
trict or province, dahyu; but that is 
uncertain. 


3 See also Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 
p. 170. 

* Notice the use of ‘district,’ and 
elsewhere Ragha is a region as well as 
a town of Media. On Greek allusions 
to ‘Pdya:, see also Haug, Ahuna-Vai- 
rya-Formel, pp. 133-1384 (=45-46), 
Miinchen, 1872, and the article which 
is referred to on the preceding page 
(p. 202, n. 1). 


204 APPENDIX IV 


Zoroaster was the fourth lord in this village, because it is his own 
—tasmin grame yat sviyam asit asdu gurus’ caturtho ’bhit.. Ragha 
is plainly a centre of ecclesiastical power, as remarked above. This 
fact is further attested by Yaktt (i. p. 244), who says there was a 
celebrated fortress ‘in the district of Dunbawand, in the province of 
Rati’ (notice the latter expression), which was the stronghold of the 
chief priest of the Magians.? If Ragha enjoyed such religicus prom- 
inence there must have been ground for it, and we recall what was 
said above, in the Dabistan and Shahrastiani’s statement, which con- 
nects Zoroaster’s mother’s family with Rai. 

(c) As a sequel to this, comes an interesting comment in the 
Selections of Zat-sparam; this has already been noticed (p. 192), but 
it is worthy of being taken up again at this point, for it is a sort of 
Iranian adage like Macbeth’s Birnam wood and Dunsinane. In Zsp. 
16. 11-12, an old proverbial affirmation is used to assert that some- 
thing is impossible, and that it would not happen —‘not though 
both the provinces of Ragh and Notar should arrive here together’ ; 
and the explanatory comment on these proper names is added, ‘two 
provinces which are in Atir-patakan, such as are sixty leagues 
(parasang, ie. 210 to 240 miles) from Cist.2 Zarattsht arose 
from Ragh, and Vishtaésp from Notar.’ The rest of the passage 
and the Dinkart occurrences of the proverb have been given above 
(pp. 192-193), and should be consulted. 

Ragh (Av. Ragha) like Arabic Shiz is evidently a territorial 
designation as well as a town title, and certainly the Prophet’s 
family on the maternal side came from there, if we are to place any 
reliance on tradition. Now, if the Prophet was born in a city of 
Adarbaijan, whether in Urumiah, in the region of Shiz (Av. Caécista, 
prob. Urumiah), or on the Dare} River—and even Ragh itself appears 
frequently in Pahlavi to have been regarded as a part of this land — 
it is by no means unlikely that a man with a mission like Zoroaster 
would have been drawn to so important a place as Ragha was in 
antiquity, especially if it was the home of his mother. All which 
would account for the association of the names together. An attempt 
has been made by the present writer, in JAOS. xv. p. 228-232, more 
fully to amplify this connection of Ragha with Zoroaster’s teaching 


1 Cf. Spiegel, Neriosengh’s Skt. Ue- Dict. de la Perse, p. 33; Darmesteter, 
bersetz. des Yacna, Leipzig, 1861, p.99. SBE. iv. p. xlviii. (1st ed.). 

2See Gottheil, References to Zoro- 3 It is important to consult the foot- 
aster, p. 46, n.; Barbier de Meynard, note on p. 193. 


SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 205 


and preaching, especially by an attempted explanation of the word 
rajis in Ys. 53. 9.1 But the passage and the commentary alike are 
difficult, and enough has been said already to show Zoroaster’s con- 
nection with this region. 

Conclusion as to Zoroaster’s Native Place. — Zoroaster arose in 
western Iran. Apparently he was born somewhere in Adarbaijan. 
The places specially mentioned are Urumiah, Shiz (Av. Caécista, 
prob. anc. Urumiah) and the river Dare]. His mother’s family was 
connected with Ragha, which accounts for associating his name with 
that place; but it is not clear that this was the Median Rai (Péya 
of the Greeks) although it was in the west. The latter seems to 
have been a district as well as town, and is sometimes regarded as 
a part of ancient Atir-patakan. Zoroaster’s youth was also cer- 
tainly passed in western Iran. 


II. SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 
General Remarks 


The question regarding Zoroaster’s native place may be looked 
upon as having been answered by placing it in western Iran, at 
least on the basis of present evidence and opinion. The question 
as to the scene or scenes of his religious activity, however, is 
amore unsettled problem. ‘The uncertainty is doubtless due to the 
conditions of the case; missionary work by a reformer is not con- 
fined to a single field. Taking a general view, however, as stated 
on p. 186, scholars are divided between Media, in the broader sense, 
and Bactria, with a preponderance perhaps in favor of the former. 
The present writer has elsewhere maintained the ground that both 
sides of this question are possibly correct, in part, and that the con- 
flicting views may be combined and reconciled on the theory that 
the reformer’s native place was not necessarily the scene of his 
really successful prophetic mission.? In other words, the opinion 
was held that Zoroaster may have been a prophet without honor in 
his own country; that he arose, indeed, in western Iran, probably 
somewhere in Atropatene; that he presumably went at one time to 


1 First suggested by Geldner, KZ. 2 Jackson, Where was Zoroaster’s 
xxviii. 202-203, and further discussed Native Place? JAOS. vol. Xv. pp. 
by the present writer in the article 221-282, New Haven, 1891. 
alluded to in the next note. 


206 APPENDIX IV 


Ragha (perhaps Media Rhagiana), but on finding this an unfruitful 
field he turned at last to Bactria. Under the patronage of Vishtaspa, 
his faith became an organized state religion; and then it spread, 
possibly through religious crusades, westward to Media and Persia. 
Progress was rapid; the fire of religious zeal was contagious; the dis- 
trict of Ragha, which was once a hot-bed of heresy (upard-vimanohim), 
became the head of the established faith of Media. Persia follows 
suit when she rises into power. That at least was suggested at the 
time —in other words that we have an earlier instance of the same 
story as Mohammed, or Mecca and Medina. 

Such a view, however, is mere theory or speculation, at least so far 
as Bactria and the exact spreading of the Creed is concerned. Never- 
theless it is not speculation built entirely upon baseless fabric. It 
has this in its favor, that it is based upon a combination oi various 
statements in Zoroastrian literature which may be united with Arabie 
and Syriac material, and with Latin and Greek references, so as to 
make, in part at least, a fairly solid structure. The assumption of a 
double scene for Zoroaster’s life, first for his birth and earlier years, 
and second for his later years and death, has also been inferred by 
others, naturally from the tradition.! It has an advantage in saving 
several points of tradition which would otherwise fall; but it is open 
to several serious objections which will be pointed out as the investi- 
gation proceeds. For the present, it will be a better plan simply to 
bring forward both sides of the question, the eastern and the western 
view, and to reserve final decision for later. The Bactrian side will 
first be presented; the arguments in favor of Media will then be 
arrayed to offset this. 

Before proceeding to the discussion, it is proper to recall that we 
have no direct evidence to prove that Zoroaster spent the first thirty 
years of his life anywhere but in his native land, if we assume that 
to be Adarbaijan. At the age of thirty came the Revelation, the 
opening of his ministry, and the first of the seven visions that filled 
the ten or twelve years which elapsed until Maidhyoi-maonha adopted 
the creed, and King Vishtaspa was converted. The whole of this 
question has been examined in Chapter IV. As it was there stated 


1S0 Anquetil du Perron, Zend- 
Avesta, T. i. pt. 2, pp. 5, 29. (An- 
quetil’s Mem. de V Acad. des Bel. Lett. 
T. xxxi. p. 870 seq., as noted also by 


Kanga, Extracts, p. 55.) A similar 


view (but with modification), Spiegel, 
Eran. Altertumsk. i. 708, ii. 171. On 
the other hand, notice what is said by 
Geiger, OIK. pp. 488-492. 


SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 207 


we have information from the Dinkart (see pp. 43-46 above), that 
Zoroaster went and preached before the Turanian Atrvaita-dang 
after the first conference with Ormazd; furthermore, that he ex- 
pounded the tenets of his faith to Parshat-gau in Sagastan. From 
this it is manifest that during the first two years he must, at all 
events, have been in the east, apparently both northeast and south- 
east, even if one maintains the view that Vishtaspa lived nearer to 
the region of his own native land. 

This tradition of wanderings to remote lands is in keeping with 
the Gaitha psalm of dejection, Kam namodi zum, kudra namoi ayeni, 
‘to what land am I to turn, whither am I to turn,’ Ys. 46. 1 seq. 
An echo of it, moreover, as already stated (p. 200), is perhaps to 
be recognized in Ibn al-Athir, who recounts how Zoroaster goes 
from Adarbaijin to Persia, then to India,’ China, Turkestan, 
Ferghanah, and that he finally converts Vishtaspa, who seems in 
this account to be in the east. Perhaps these statements regarding 
India are due to Zoroaster’s having been in Sagastan or Seistan (see 
also footnote below) which forms part of the territory of White 
India.2 It may be noticed that Ammianus Marcellinus also makes 
Hystaspes (or is it Zoroaster) pass some time studying in India 
(see Appendix II., p. 167). So much for the two years that fol- 
lowed the first ecstatic vision, and which correspond to different 
scenes in Zoroaster’s missionary labors! 

By the close of this period, Zoroaster appears to have wended his 
way gradually back again toward his native country, as may be 
inferred from the different localities in which the visions of the next 
eight years took place. Consult the Map. The second, third, and 
fourth visions took place on the homeward route to the south of the 
Caspian Sea, if the identifications in Chapter IV. be correct. The 
fifth and sixth visions were beheld in the region of the river Daitya 
and Mount Asnavant (Mount Sahend and the Kizel Uzen; cf. pp. 41, 
48). Finally, the last interview with the archangels was manifested 
to him at his own home on the river Darej (pp. 34, 49, 194), which 
would agree with the Avesta (Vd. 19. 4, 11), as this vision is also 
associated with the temptation by Ahriman. But now for the Bac- 
trian question ! 

1Ts it Sagastan (Parshat-giu) and 2On ‘ White India,’ the provinces 
Turan (Aiirvaita-dang)? Cf. p.39,n. of Iran which border upon India, see 
labove. See also next note and Darmesteter, Ze ZA. ii. 4, 138, n., and 


references. cf. above, pp. 44, n. 4, 72, n. 3, 87, n. 
1, 178, and p. 210. 


208 APPENDIX IV 


1. Bactria and the Hast, or the View that Zoroaster’s Ministry was in 
Eastern Iran 


Trrespective of the question of the scene of Zoroaster’s activity, 
the whole problem of the home of the Avesta itself, as a literary 
composition and religious work, has long been a common subject of 
discussion.! The assumption of a Bactrian kingdom which ante- 
dated the Median empire, or at least preceded the rise of the Achae- 
menian power, has generally been maintained by scholars, especially 
by the historian Duncker.? Criticisms of this view will be men- 
tioned later; but it is important to notice that one of the strongest 
supporters of an eastern Iranian civilization, judging from geo- 
graphical and ethnographical allusions in the Avesta, is the Iranist, 
Wilhelm Geiger.® 

The Avesta itself does not give any definite statement with 
respect to the situation of Vishtadspa’s capital, nor do the Pahlavi 
texts, to be discussed below, seem more explicit. Nevertheless, the 
Avestan geographical allusions tend to gravitate toward the east, 
rather than toward the west. The heroic sagas of the royal line of 
kings in the Avestan Yashts are located for the most part in the 
east. According to the Zamyad Yasht (esp. Yt. 19. 66-69), the 
home of the Kavi dynasty is in Seistan, and this is important to con- 
sider because of its bearing on the claim for the east and for Bactria. 
Firdausi, a native of Tas, moreover, places the scene of the Vish- 
taspa-Gushtasp cycle in eastern and northeastern Ivan, as will be 
more fully explained below.’ According to Firdausi (Dakikt), 
Yakut, Mirkhond, and others, Balkh was founded by Vishtasp’s 
father, Lohrasp.6 On the Greco-Bactrian coins is found an 


1¥For some bibliographical refer- 
ences, see p. 186. 

2 Geschichte des Alterthums. iv. 15 
seq. ; Néldeke, Persia, in Encyclope- 
dia Britannica, xviii. 561 (9th ed.) ; 
Tomaschek, Baktria, Baktriane, Bak- 
trianoi, in Pauly’s Real-Encycl. ii. 
col. 2806 seq. (neue Bearb.). 

8 Ostiranische Kultur, Erlangen, 
1882; Vaterland wu. Zeitalter des Avesta 
in Sitzb. d. K. B. Acad., May, 1894; 
Grundriss d. iran. Phil. ii. 889. This 
view is criticised by Spiegel, ZDMG. 
xxxv. 636, and rejected, ZDMG. xli. 


292-296; cf. also in Sybel’s Histor. 
Zeitschr. N. F. 8.1 seq. Again, it is 
opposed by de Harlez, Das alter und 
Heimath des Avesta, in BB. xii. 109 
seq.;cf. also Abh. d. Berliner Or. Con- 
gress, ii. 270-277. The arguments in 
favor of Bactria from the classics are 
most strongly presented by Rapp, 
ZDMG. xix. 27-33 (1865). 

4 Geldner, Gdr. d. iran. Phil. ii. 38. 

5 See also Néldeke in Gdr. d. iran. 
Phil. ii. 131. 

6 Firdausi, Livre des fois, tr. 
Mohl, iv. 224; Yakit in Barbier de 


SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 209 


APOOACNIO (i.e. Aurvat-aspa, Lohrasp), evidently as heros epony- 
mos of the place.!| Albirini states that ‘ Balkh was the original resi- 
dence of the Kayanians,’ and Mirkhond speaks of Lohrasp as ‘the 
Bactrian.’? Tabari similarly states that Lohrasp ‘established his 
residence at Balkh,’ where he places the seat likewise of Lohrasp’s 
son and successor, Vishtasp;* yet it must not be forgotten in this 
connection that Tabari also considers Nebuchadnezzar and Cyrus to 
have been generals under Lohrasp and Vishtasp.* Masiidi joins in 
regarding Balkh as the royal capital until the seat of government 
was transferred westward to Irak in the time of Hamai.® Other 
Persian and Arabic chroniclers and geographers place the seat of 
the Kayanian empire, at the time of Lohrasp and Vishtasp, in Bac- 
tria, i.e. to the north of Seistan, and there is a tradition about a 
portrait of Zoroaster at Balkh, as will be noticed in Appendix VII. 
The author of the Zartusht Namah and the Cangranghacah Namah, 
who was himself a native of Rai, localizes the scene of the meeting 
between Zoroaster and Vishtasp in Balkh, where he also represents 
the famous debate between Zoroaster and the Brahman Cangrang- 
hacah to have taken place (cf. p. 85 seq. above). This is interesting 
when we consider that the writer came from the west and from a 
city which was so closely associated with Zoroaster’s name; he must 
have had some strong tradition to that effect ; his work, moreover, 
is known to be based upon Pahlavi authorities. In the Dinkart, 
the meeting took place first on a ‘race-course’ (aspanvar), but the 
locality is not indicated, cf. p. 59, n. 2 above. From the Pahlavi 
treatise ‘Wonders of Sagastan’ it appears that at one time (perhaps 
after his conversion) Vishtaspa had conferences with Zoroaster and 
his apostles in Seistan—see passage translated below, p. 212. 


Meynard’s Dict. de la Perse, p. 112; duitesurlaversion persane d’ Abou-Alt 


Mirkhond, Hist. of Pers. Kings, tr. 
Shea, London, 1882. 

1 See Tomaschek’s article, Baktria, 
in Pauly’s Real-Encyclopaedie, ii. col. 
2812-2813. Consult Stein, Zoroastrian 
Deities on Indo-Scythian Coins in 
Babyl. and Or. Record, i. 157 seq.; 
notice a dissenting view by Darme- 
steter, Le ZA. ii. 432. 

2 Albirini, Chronology, tr. Sachau, 
p. 100, London, 1879, and Mirkhond, 
tr. Shea, pp. 59, 264, 272. 

8 Tabari, Chronique de Tabari, tra- 

P 


Mo‘hammed Bel‘ami, par Zotenberg, i. 
p. 491 seq.; cf. similar allusions in Gott- 
heil, References to Zoroaster, pp.386-40. 

4 Furthermore, for the destruction 
of Jerusalem by Lohrasp (!), see 
Maidg-1 khirat, 27. 64-67, tr. West, 
SBE. xxiv. 64-65, and Yaktt in Bar- 
bier de Meynard’s Dict. de la Perse, 
p. 369. See also p. 91, n. 2 above. 

5 Magoudi, Les Prairies d’Or, tr. 
Barbier de Meynard, ii. p. 120. 

6 Zartusht Namah, tr. Eastwick, in 
Wilson, Parsi Religion, p. 498. 


210 APPENDIX IV 


To return to Firdausi. As mentioned above, the Shah Namah 
connects Lohrasp with Balkh, and describes how the youthful Vish- 
tasp quits the realm and passes the first years of his life in the 
west, in Rim (the Byzantine Empire).' He returns from thence to 
assume the sceptre of authority. It is not specifically stated that 
the years which directly followed were actually passed in Balkh, 
but it is certain that the last part of his reign is regarded as being 
passed there. Lohrasp himself lives there in retirement after 
Vishtasp had mounted the throne, and the lapse of time is shown 
also by the fact that Zoroaster is now spoken of as an old man 
(Pers. pir).2 Perhaps Vishtasp formed a link between the east and 
the west, if the texts seem to imply a break in the regular succes- 
sion as he came to the throne; see p. 223, n. 1 below. 

At this point we may turn again to our earlier Iranian sources. 
As previously observed, neither the Avesta nor the Pahlavi writings 
are explicit in their statements as to the situation of Vishtaspa’s 
capital. The Dinkart, it is true, speaks several times of the ‘abode’ 
(man), ‘residence’ (baba), or ‘lofty residence’ (buland manisno) of 
Vishtasp, but there is nothing precise as to the location. The gen- 
eral allusions to Nétar, moreover, have already been noticed above, 
p. 192, and they will be referred to again, p. 222. The nearest 
approach in the Avesta to a definite statement regarding Vishtaspa’s 
whereabouts is found in two references to places where he offers 
sacrifice for victory in battle over Arejat-aspa in the holy war of the 
Religion, or when on a religious crusade. One of these sacrifices is 
offered ‘on the farther side of the water of Frazdanava’ (Yt. 5. 108, 
pasne Gpam frazdanaom) for victory over three unbelievers one of 
whom is the inveterate foe, Arejat-aspa (Yt. 5. 109, Tw6ryavantam 
duzdaénam | Pasanamea daévayasnam | drvantamca Arajat-aspam).‘ 
But in Yt. 9. 29 = Yt. 17. 49, the same sacrifice is offered again by 
Vishtaspa for victory over exactly the same three foes, but includ- 
ing also the names of a number of other enemies; and (amportant 
to keep in mind) the sacrifice of this latter passage is not celebrated 


1 See pp. 72-73. cludes India among the lands to which 
2 See also Mohl, tr. iv. 298. Vishtasp spread the gospel of Iran (cf. 
8 Compare note on p. 58. Mohl, iv. pp. 343-344; and above, p. 


4 It might possibly be suggested that 84 seq.; observe likewise Darmesteter, 
we have in the name Tathryavant a Le ZA. iii. Introd. p. 90). But such a 
distant allusion to the Tantra philoso- conjecture could add little in favor of 
phy of India; the Shah Namah in- the eastern view. 


SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY DA bd 


near the Frazdanava, but is offered up on the farther side of the 
river Daitya. Still further, Vishtaspa’s brother Zairivairi (Zarir), 
who is mentioned directly after Vishtaspa’s sacrifice by the Frazda- 
nava in the earlier passage, likewise offers similar worship on the 
same spot (Daitya), with an identical wish (Yt. 5. 112-113, pasne 
apo Daityayaz); and directly afterwards in the same Yasht (Yt. 5. 
116) Arejat-aspa invokes the same divinity near Vourukasha (Caspian 
Sea) for victory over Vishtaspa. This latter point will be taken 
up hereafter, pp. 212-213. 

It is necessary to comment anew on the suggested identification of 
these places. From the discussion above, pp. 41,197, it is to be inferred 
that the Daitya was a sort of border stream in the west, to be identified 
with the Kizel Uzen or Saféd Rid. The river Kizel Uzen is the 
classic "Apapdos of Ptolemaeus, in Atropatene, and Andreas describes 
it as a natural ‘markscheide.’! The Avestan word pasne is appar- 
ently used with a river name like the Latin usage of trans in Trans- 
Rhenanus (opp. Cis-Alpinus), compare the modern Iranian designation 
of Bii-Pi8, ‘before the rivers,’ as opposed to Biaé-Pas, ‘back of the 
rivers,’ used in the adjoining territory of Gilan.*? The various streams 
which flow into the river to-day would answer to the tributaries of 
the Daitya that are mentioned in the Dinkart and Zat-sparam.* 
This is the river of the ‘ Law,’ and the river which Zoroaster appar- 
ently crosses on his way to convert Vishtiasp.* 

The Frazdanava, on the other hand, is to be sought in Seistan, 
in the east, if we accept the statement of the Bundahishn (Bd. 22. 5), 
and is probably to be identified with the Ab-istadah lake, south of 
Ghazni.” Being a member of the Kayanian line, Kavi Vishtaspa 


trasted with Pourushaspa’s dwelling on 
the Darej, as that may have been the 


1 Andreas, Amardos, in Pauly’s 
Real-Encyl., neue Bearb., Stuttgart, 


1894, vol. i. col. 1735, 1. 44. 

2 Refer to Andreas, loc. cit. ll. 60-61, 
whose transcription ‘ Bid-PiS’ is here 
followed. Cf. also de Morgan, Mission 
Scientifique en Perse, i. 209. 

8 Dk. 7. 8. 51-56; Zsp. 21. 5, 22.9. 
I believe that in Dk. 7. 20. 30, we are 
to read mayd-i set (not Dait), as noted 
by West, SBE. xlvii. 25, n. 2, and 
compare the Shét river of Bd. 20. 7, 
SBE. v.77; although there would be 
no real inconsistency in Dait, as con- 


home to which he removed after his 
marriage ; see suggestion on p. 192. 

4 Zartusht Namah, p. 491. 

5 This view is opposed to Lagarde’s 
Hyazdan in Armenia (Beitrdége zur 
baktr. Lex. p. 28), but I agree with 
Geiger’s estimate of Hrazdan in O/K. 
p. 108. The identification of Frazda- 
naya with Ab-ist@dah is mentioned by 
West (SBE. v. 86, n.3) as being from 
Justi (see his Handb. der Zendsprache, 
p. 197 b), although Justi now seems 


212 APPENDIX IV 


is naturally associated with Seistan and Lake Frazdin. The Pahlavi 
treatise, ‘Wonders of the Land of Sagastan,’ makes Seistan the 
place of Vishtasp’s first religious propaganda, and apparently also a 
place where Vishtasp conferred with Zoroaster and other apostles of 
the Faith, on matters of religious importance." Iam indebted to Dr. 
West’s kindness for a translation of the ‘Wonders’; the passage 
(Wond. of Sag. § 6) reads: ‘King Vishtasp produced the progress 
of religion on Lake Frazdan, first in Sagastan, and afterwards in the 
other provinces; also King Vishtasp, in conference with Zaratisht, 
and Séno, son of Ahamstit of Bust,’ because his disciples of Zara- 
tiisht have been the first in his long discipleship, (made) the various 
Nasks proceed in a family of the good, for the purpose of keeping 
the religion of Sagastan progressive for being taught.’ We remem- 
ber also that Zoroaster went in his earlier years to Seistan to preach 
to Parshat-giu (pp. 44-45). According to Firdausi, King Vishtasp 
(Gushtasp) was engaged upon a religious crusade in Seistan and 
Zabilistan,? and was at the abode of the old hero Rustam, who still 
held out against conversion to Zoroastrianism, when the Turanians 
under Arjisp stormed Balkh, slew Lohrasp in battle before the 
walls, and killed Zoroaster.* Vishtasp returns from Seistan for 
the finally routing of Arjasp.’ 

It must be acknowledged that the twofold sacrifice by Vishtasp, 
once on the Frazdanava and once on the Daitya, causes some diffi- 
culty in connection with the identification of scenes in the Holy 
Wars. As already observed, the Frazdanava sacrifice, when placed 
in Seistan, certainly refers to the second and final invasion. The 


rather to incline toward the view of 
Hrazdan in Armenia, judging from 
Preuss. Jahrb. Bd. 88, pp. 256-257. 
Geiger, OIK. p. 108, notices the iden- 
tification of Frazdanava with the Ab- 
istadah, but he prefers to explain the 
matter differently. 

1 See West in Gdr. d. iran. Phil. ii. 
118. 

2 Dr. West notes that this place is 
described by the pseudo Ibn-Haukal 
as on the river Hérmand, between 
Ghor and the lake (see Ouseley’s Ori- 
ental Geography, p. 206) ; it was there- 
fore in Seistan. 


8 Cf. Mohl, tr. iv. pp. 355, 456 ; and 
also Vullers, Fragmente tiber Zoroas- 
ter, Bonn, 1831, p. 97 and p. 125, 
n. 62. 

4 Shah Namah, ed. Vullers-Lan- 
dauer, iii. pp. 1559-1560 ; but there is 
some uncertainty owing to a variation 
in the reading. Thus, Ath in herbadra 
kih kust; and again, cira herbadra bi- 
kust; but a few lines further on (~. 
1560) the death is proved by herbadra 
hamah sar zadand. 

& Mohl, iv. 354, 355, 365. 


SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 213 


Daitya sacrifice, we may presume, refers to the first invasion, if we 
make the twofold division mentioned on p. 105; but it is not easy 
to reconcile this with the assumption that the scenes of the first war 
belong rather to the territory of Merv (p. 114). Perhaps the Daitya 
sacrifice is not to be pressed as referring to a special incident, and 
perhaps the prayer was general; or Vishtasp was crusading in the 
west at the time; history offers examples of a Christian king of 
Europe offering up his prayers in the land of the Saracens. Dar- 
mesteter! does not seem to think it imperative to take the Daitya 
sacrifice too seriously in the face of the Frazdanava passage which 
gives a scene located in Seistén; or, he thinks, the Daitya allusion 
may be a reminiscence of the Median origin of Vishtaspa himself. 
Nevertheless, there is a certain discrepancy which must fairly be 
noticed, and having stated the difficulty we may turn to such argu- 
ments as can be brought up to show that Vishtaspa’s foe, Arejat- 
aspa, belongs rather to the east than to the west. This introduces 
the problem of the situation of Arejat-aspa’s kingdom, and the 
scene of the Holy Wars already alluded to. 

In the Avesta, Arejat-aspa is a Hyaonian (Av. H'yaona, Phl. Xyén).? 
The name h-yaona, according to the ordinarily accepted view, is iden- 
tical with the nation of the classic Chionite.? The identification, 
however, has been doubted by some. The subject is commented on 
by Darmesteter,‘ and especially by Geiger, and both of these schol- 
ars think (as well as Justi, see footnote) that there is authority 
also for the tradition which places the Hyaonians toward the east, 
even if they were located in the Gildan territory in the time of 
Ammianus Marcellinus (19. 1.2). The Shah Namah tradition cer- 
tainly looks upon Arjasp as a Turanian, and places his kingdom 
on the other side of the Jihtin (Oxus), and it makes him despatch 
envoys from the city of Khallakh to Vishtasp (Gushtasp) in Balkh.’ 
In the native lexicons, according to Vullers, Khallakh or Khallukh 


1 Le ZA. iii. p. 1xxxiii. 

2See Yt. 9. 80-31, 17. 50-51, 19. 87, 
and the references on p. 104, n. 2. 

8 Spiegel in Sybel’s Histor. Zeit- 
schrift, N. F. 8, p. 18; also other 
writers as noted below. 

* Darmesteter does not seem certain 
of it in Le ZA. iii. p. lxxxiii seq. ; cf. 
also Geiger in Sitzb. d. K. B. Acad., 
1884, p. 328 seq., and in his Yatkar in 


Sitzb., Mai, 1890, p. 75. Justi allows 
also the possibility of placing the 
Hyaonians in the east on the author- 
ity of Joshua the Stylite ; see Preuss. 
Jahrb. Bd. 88, p. 256 ; but Justi favors 
the west. 

5 Firdausi, Livre des Rois, tr. Mohl, 
iv. pp. 802, 303, 319, 326 bis, 342, 360, 
441, 459, 543, 558. 


214 APPENDIX IV 


A qi is described as ‘a great city in Turkestan in the district of 
ry. 


Khatai.’’ In any case, it is evident that the kingdoms of Arjasp 
and Vishtasp cannot have been far separated from each other. 
The question of the invasion or invasions may now be taken up. 

According to the sources which the Shah Namah must have made 
use of (and we may infer the same from the Dimkart and Zat-spa- 
ram)* there were, apparently, two separate invasions by Arjasp, 
although the Avesta seems to speak of the war singly as ‘the War 
of Religion.’ The special chapter above on this subject (Chap. IX.) 
should be consulted. The Yatkar-i Zariran alludes only to what we 
may regard as the first of Arjasp’s wars, and lays the scene in the 
neighborhood of the plain of Merv.’ Similarly, in this connection, 
the Shah Namah speaks of the Jihin or Oxus, and the territory 
adjacent* (consult the Map). The scene of the battles of the 
second war was Khorassan, if we follow the Shah Namah and 
notice an incidental allusion in the Buindahishn.2 The circum- 
stances of Arjasp’s second invasion need not be repeated; see 
Chapter IX. If we follow the Shah Namah we may presume that 
Vishtaspa, after receiving news of the storming of Balkh, started 
from Seistan to join the forces of his son, Farshidvard, whom he had 
appointed ruler of Khorassin. The first meeting between Vishtasp 
and the invader Arjasp may therefore have resulted in an engage- 
ment in Khorassan. From Firdausi, we may judge that this open- 
ing engagement of the second war, which is evidently counted as a 
part of the Balkh misfortune, was not successful for the Iranians.® 
An attempt may be made to locate the scene. 

Now, the Bahman Yasht (3. 9), when speaking of three distinct 
times of crisis and trial in the history of the Religion, says: ‘the 
second was when thou, O Zaratiisht the Spitaman! receivedst the 
Religion, and hadst thy conference, and King Vishtasp and Arjasp, 
miscreated by Wrath, were, through the War of the Religion, in the 
combat of Spét-razhtr (“the hoary forest”’);’ and the text adds a 


1 Vullers, Fragmente iiber Zoroas- 
ter, p. 121, where the Persian is quoted, 
and Lexicon Persicum, i. 706, 714. 
See also Steingass, Persian-English 
Dictionary, pp. 467, 471. 

2 See chronological scheme by West, 
SBE. xvii. p. xxx.; ef. Appendix III. 

8 YZ. § 12. 


* Mohl, tr. iv. 309. 

5 Bd. 12. 32-34, given in full on 
p. 216. 

® Notice that the Baindahishn (Bd. 
12. 33) acknowledges an _ occasion 
where there was ‘confusion among 
the Iranians,’ but they were ‘saved’; 
cf. p. 216 below. 


SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 215 


comment: ‘some have said it was in Pars.’! The Avesta mentions 
the ‘White Forest,’ but not in connection with Arejat-aspa’s name. 
The Spaéitita Razura in the Avesta, is the amphitheatre of the great 
conflict between the earlier Iranian king, Haosrava, and his enemy, 
Aurvasara.2 According to Justi, the White Forest is in Kohistan, 
a part of Khorassan (lat. 33, long. 59; consult Map), between Kain 
and Birjand.*? As a mere conjecture, in order to endeavor to recon- 
cile difficulties, it might be suggested that we have here an allusion, 
perhaps, to the engagement that preceded the last in the war. In 
other words, as the White Forest seems to have been a designation 
covering a good deal of territory, it might be argued that Vishtasp 
pushed onward, then northward to the mountains of Nishapar and 
Mesh-hed, not far from the high citadel where his son Isfendiar was 
confined. 

This citadel, as related by the Shah Namah, was the mountain 
fortress of Gumbadan or Gunbedan (ylOWiS” )* Its location is 
in Khorassin,> for this fastness of Isfendiar is evidently Mount 
Spenté-data of the Avesta (Yt. 19. 6), and Spend-yat of the Pahlavi 
(Bd. 12. 2, 23), situated on the ‘Var of Révand,’ which latter has 
been identified with the Bar mountains, northwest of Nishapir, in 
an interesting article by Houtum-Schindler.* The Bundahishn 
adds details of the battle that enable us still further to locate the 
scene where Vishtasp himself had to take refuge in a mountain in 
Khorassan, where he was beleaguered,’ until the heroic Isfendiar is 
released from his chains and gains the victory. All this has been 
described above (p. 119 seq.), but the Baindahishn passage is impor- 
tant enough to repeat it again in full: — 


1 West, SBE. v. 218. As for the 
usage of ‘ Pars,’ it must be remembered 


4 Shah Namah, ed. Vullers-I.an- 
dauer, iii. p. 1550, 1. 156; cf. traduc- 


that Sagastan itself is spoken of as a 
part of Pars in Pahlavi literature (Bd. 
12. 9, 20. 29; see SBH. v. pp. 37, 
81). 

2 Yt. 15. 31-32; cf. Yt. 5. 49-50; 
Nit LOE aT. 

3 Justi, Namenbuch, p. 42, ‘ Aurwa- 
sara, Konig am Weissen Wald, d. i. 
Dascht-i Beyat im KGhistan von Qain 
und Birjand, Gegner des Kawa Hus- 
rawa (Kai Xusrau), Yt. 15. 31. Sya- 
waSnameh, 252.’ 


tion de Mohl, iv. pp. 354, 370, 456. 

5 But Mirkhond (tr. Shea, p. 290) 
says he was ‘imprisoned in the For- 
tress of Girdkith, in the district of 
Ridbar.’ To which Shea adds, stating 
that Ridbar is a district of the Jebal 
or Irak Ajemi. 

6 The Identification of Some Persian 
Places, in The Academy, No. 780, p. 
312 seq., May 1, 1886; cf. also Justi, 
Hdbch. d. Zendsprache, p. 305. 

7 For allusions to the ‘mountain,’ 


216 APPENDIX IV 


Bd. 12. 17-18: ‘The Padashkhvargar mountain is that which is 
in Taparistan and the side of Gilan. The Révand mountain is in 
Khirasin, on which the Barzhin fire was established. (32-84): 
From the same Padashkhvargar mountain unto Mount Kamish, 
which they call Mount Madofryat (“ Come-to-help ”) — that in which 
Vishtasp routed Arjasp—is Mount Miydn-i-dasht (“mid-plain”), 
and was broken off from that mountain there. They say, in the 
War of the Religion, when there was confusion among the Iranians 
it broke off from that mountain, and slid down into the middle of 
the plain; the Iranians were saved by it, and it was called “Come- 
to-help” by them. The Ganavat mountain is likewise there, on the 
Ridge of Vishtasp (pasti Vistaspan) at the abode of the Buarzhin- 
Mitro fire, nine leagues to the west.’! Mount Madofryat (Come-to- 
help) has been identified by Houtum-Schindler with the mountain 
near the present town of Fariimad, northward of the high road 
between Abbasabid and Mazinan, and it is thus evidently a part of 
the Jagatai range.2 The Ridge of Vishtasp may be identical with 
the mountains, Binalad Kuh, running northwest from Nishaptr, a 
little to the west of the modern Gunabad (lat. 36. 40; long. 59. 5— 
see Map). The region where the final battle took place, with the 
utter rout of Arjasp and the triumph of Iran over Turan, may be 
regarded as occupying a territory to the east of Mian-i-dasht in 
Khorassan (lat. 36. 30; long. 56.10—see Map, square Gb). The 
caravan road between Mian-i-dasht and Zaidar is still famous to-day 
for marauding attacks of the Turkomans upon pilgrims and travel- 
lers.? 

The location of the sacred fires may be taken up in this con- 
nection. Vishtasp’s special fire, Birzhin Mitro, is in Khorassan as 
already discussed in the pages devoted to the subject of the Sacred 
Fires (Chap. VIII.). From the passage just quoted (Bd. 12. 17- 
18, 32-34) and from Bd. 1%. 8 there seems to remain little doubt on 
that point. The Shah Namah implies a similar location, and three 
Mohammedan writers state that the special fire of Zoroaster, which 
is the Barhzin Mitr, was in the neighborhood of Nishaptr. For the 
references, see p. 100. But more important still in connection with 


ef. Mohl, Livre des Rois, iv. 367, 870, 36-387; long. 56-57) on the map in 


373, 384. Curzon’s Persia and the Persian Ques- 
1 West, SBE. v. 40-41. tion, i. p. 245. 
2See The Academy, p. 818, May 1, 8 Curzon, Persia and the Persian 


1886. ‘The town is easily located (lat. Question, i. 276-277, 280-281. 


SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 217 


the ancient pyraea of Zoroastrianism, is the tradition of the 
Bandahishn (Bd. 17. 6) regarding the second famous fire, the fire 
Frobak (Farnbag). This fire originally was located in Khorasmia 
or Chorasmia (Phl. AKhvarizem) on the eastern side of the Caspian 
Sea—the region of igneous oil fountains, and it was removed by 
Vishtasp to the east, to Cabul, or as the text reads: ‘In the reign of 
King Vishtasp, upon revelation from the religion, it was established 
out of Khvarizem, at the Roshan (“shining”) mountain in Kavu- 
listan, the country of Kavul (Kabul), just as it remains there even 
now.’? This latter would make another distinct association of 
Vishtasp with the east.? 

In addition to the central or eastern location of two of the sacred 
fires which are directly connected with Vishtasp’s name, we may 
also recall the story of the cypress which Zoroaster planted to com- 
memorate the event of Vishtasp’s conversion. This hallowed tree 
was planted at Kishmar in Khorassan, and it is spoken of in the 
Shah Namah as ‘the cypress of Kishmar.’* It must also be 
remembered that, according to the Shah Namah, Khorassan was 
under the suzerainty of one of Vishtasp’s sons, as well as it was 
the amphitheatre of the final Holy War. 

These latter points are of interest also in connection with Floigl’s 
claim that Vishtaspa, of the Avesta, is identical with the historical 
Hystaspes, father of Darius; and that he belonged in the region 
of Hyrcania and ancient Parthia. Floigl’s monograph should be 
consulted.‘ 

It may incidentally be added that the Armenian historian, 
Thomas Arzrouni (A.p. tenth century) follows the tradition that 
Zoroaster was the opponent of Ninus and Semiramis and was de- 
feated by them, but Semiramis made him commander of Babylon, 
Khoujistan, and of all eastern Persia, and he adds, ‘ Zradasht, 
although possessing the countries to the east of Persia, did not cease 
to harass Assyria.’® This would associate him also with the east. 


1 Bd. 17. 6, tr. West, SBE. v. 63. 

2Tt must be stated, however, that 
the reading Aavul (Kabul) is ques- 
tioned by Darmesteter, Le ZA. i. 184; 
and see the discussion above in Chap. 
VIII. p. 99, n. 4. 

8 Sarv-i Kismar ; see Vullers-Lan- 
dauer, Shah Name, iii. 1498-1499, and 


Mohl, iv. 292-298; cf. also Appendix 
II., pp. 163-164. 

4 Floigl, Cyrus und Herodot, Leip- 
zig, 1881, e.g. pp. 14, 15, 17, etc. 

5See Brosset, Collection d’Histo- 
viens arméniens, i. 30, St. Péters- 
bourg, 1874. See Appendix VI, § 1 
below. 


218 APPENDIX IV 


Furthermore, it should be noticed that Mills upholds the eastern 
region, at least as the place of origin of the Gathas.1 He reviews 
some of the indications which point to the west, as presented 
by Darmesteter; but after examining into the Character of the 
civilization, and noticing points of Indo-Iranian unity and _ like- 
ness to the Veda, and judging also from the spirit of the Gathas, 
whose antiquity he emphasizes, Mills is led to believe that ‘the 
scene of the Gathic and original Zoroastrianism was in the north- 
east of Iran, and that the later Avesta was composed during the 
hundreds of years during which the Zarathushtrian tribes were 
migrating westward into Media.’? A discussion of the Avestan cal- 
endar led the Sanskrit scholar Roth strongly to support Bactria.® 
The younger Iranist Horn favors eastern Ivan as the first scene, at 
least, of Zoroastrianism.* On the views of Tiele, see note below.® 

Résumé of the Eastern View. —-Among various points that may 
be brought up in favor of placing Vishtaspa in eastern Iran, and of 
believing that Zoroaster’s prophetic career, at least, was associated 
chiefly with that territory, is the predominance of geographical allu- 
sions in the Avesta rather to eastern Iran. The Avesta does not 
state where Kavi Vishtaspa’s kingdom was located; but it recog- 
nizes that the Kavi dynasty came from Seistan (Yt. 19. 66 seq.). 
The Iranian tradition which is found in Mohammedan writers is 
almost unanimous in placing Vishtasp’s kingdom in the east, in Bac- 
tria. Among arguments which may be drawn from Pahlavi litera- 
ture is the fact that the Bindahishn clearly locates the scene of the 
routing of Arjasp in the territory of Khorassin. One of the sacred 


also in the genealogical table in his 
article ‘Religions,’ in Hncyclopedia 
Britannica, vol. xx. p. 860 (9th ed.), 


1 SBE. xxxi. Introd. pp. xxvii-xxx. 
2 Op. cit. p. xxvii. 
8 Roth, Der Kalender des Avesta, 


u. s. w., in ZDMG. xxiv. 1-24; cf. 
especially pp. 16-19 (criticised by 
de Harlez; see p. 219 below). 

4 Horn, Die Reiche der Meder 
und Perser, in Hellwaldt’s Hulturge- 
schichte, 4 Aufl. i. 322. 

5 Tiele, in his early work entitled 
De Godsdienst van Zarathustra, van 
haar ontstaan in Baktrié tot den val 
van het Oud-Perzische Rijk (Haarlem, 
1864), maintained the Bactrian view 
that was common at the time. So 


and in his Geschiedenis van den Gods- 
dienst, p. 174 (Amsterdam, 1876). But 
now, if I understand his latest view 
aright, he believes in northwestern 
Tran as the cradle at least of the Zoro- 
astrian Reform: ‘Ook ik neig zeer 
tot de meening dat de zarathustrische 
hervorming van noordwestelijk Ivan is 
uitgegan’ (lets over de oudheid van 
het Avesta, Aanteekening, in Mede- 
deeling d. K. Ak. 3 de Reeks, Deel 
XI, Amsterdam, 1895, pp. 884 and 375). 


SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 219 


fires is connected with Khorassin; another was removed from Kho- 
rasmia to the east. And now that so much has been said in favor 
of eastern Ivan, including Bactria, we may pass without comment to 
the west and consider the claims of Media. 


2. Media and the West, or the View that Zoroaster’s Ministry was 
in his Native Country, Western Iran 


It has been indicated sufficiently that a number of specialists, de 
Harlez, Spiegel, Justi, and others, associate the earliest history of 
Zoroastrianism not with Bactria and the east, but alone with Media, 
in its broad sense, and the west. 

C. de Harlez, for example, in treating of the origin and home 
of the Avesta, as noted above, leaves eastern Iran out of considera- 
tion.’ His discussion of the subject should be read; there is space 
here only to outline the reasons which lead him to confine the 
Avesta and Zoroastrianism to Media. I summarize them from the 
last article mentioned in the footnote: (1) Zoroastrianism and 
the Avesta is the work of the Magi, a tribe of Media, and the Magi 
are the Atharvans (wvpaifor) of the Avesta. (2) The chief seat of 
the religion was the southern and southeastern coast of the Caspian 
Sea, as shown by the peculiar manner in which the peoples of the 
Caspian region and Hyrcania dispose of their dead. (38) Ragha in 
Media was the chief seat of the priesthood, and Media, therefore, 
was the centre of the Avestan religion. (4) The legend which 
makes Bactria the cradle of Zoroaster’s faith, and claims that Vish- 
taspa was king and ruler of Bactria, is late; it comes, in fact, from 
medizval times. Eastern Iran, in general, remains in the back- 
ground until the time of the Achaemenidae.? Finally (5), the Parsi 
books themselves regard Zoroaster as arising from Media; and, 
even though many medizval sources connect Vishtasp with Bactria, 
as mentioned, there is not entire consistency in this, for some of 
them place him in Persis. The epitomist Khvandamir, for example, 
in his life of Gushtasp,® says that this king had the city of Istakhr 


1 See de Harlez’s definite statements 2 For the latter statement, cf. BB. 
on Das alter und heimath des Avestain xii. 110. 
BB. xii. 109-111, and Der Avestische 3 See de Harlez, Av. Kalender und 


Kalender und die Heimath der Avesta- _Heimath, p. 277 ; Spiegel, EA. i. 698; 
Religion, in Abh. d. Berl. Or. Congr. and Hyde, Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. p. 
li. 270-277, Berlin, 1882 (criticising 318 (1st ed.); Ethé in Grundriss d. 
Roth). tran. Philol. ii. 356. 


220 APPENDIX IV 

(Persepolis) as a royal seat —TIstakhr-t Fars ra dar al-mulk karda- 
did. Again, Beidawi (Life of Gushtasp) says that Zardisht occupied 
a mountain, Naphaht, near Istakhr.t. And Majdi (Zinat al-Majalis), 
after assuming that Zoroaster came from Palestine, adds that he 
gave himself out as a prophet in Adarbaijan.? For these various 
reasons de Harlez concludes: ‘Alles erklirt sich, wenn man unter- 
stellt, dass der Zoroastrismus aus Medien stammt; Alles wird 
dunkel, wenn man dessen Wiege in Baktrien sucht.’ 

Spiegel has two or three times specially treated the question of 
the home of the Avesta and its bearing upon the Zoroastrian 
problem.’ In his historical article on Vishtaspa and the Bactrian 
kingdom, in Sybel’s Zeitschrift, he brings up most of the points that 
may be argued in favor of the east,—and these are such as have 
been stated above; he then weighs the west over against them. 
He particularly emphasizes the identification of Arejat-aspa’s nation, 
the Hyaona, with the Chionitz, who are to be placed, it is claimed, 
to the west of the Caspian Sea. Again, he approves rather of de 
Lagarde’s identification of the name and locality, Frazdanava, with 
the Armenian river Hrazdan; and he points out some other names 
that refer especially to the west. As a result of this, although 
‘Baktra’ is mentioned in the title of his monograph, he inclines to 
favor Media or Arran, rather than Bactria, as the realm of Vish- 
taspa and also as the home of Zoroaster. In his latest article on 
the subject (ZDMG. xlv. 280 seq., 1887), Spiegel points out one or 
two more points to strengthen the western view. An allusion to 
Armenia, for example, is claimed to be found in the Avesta (Yt. 
5. 72). He draws attention also to the association of Hystaspes’ 
name with Media and the west, by Chares of Mitylene (cf. p. 73 
above),* and by Lactantius, who makes Hystaspes a king of Media 
(p. 154 above); and he throws renewed doubts upon the existence 
of the Bactrian kingdom maintained by Duncker.’ 

Several other scholars are of like opinion regarding Media and 


1 See also Hyde, p. 818. Reference in Sitzb. der K. B. Acad. 1884, p. 315 


to Istakhr (Persepolis) has been made seq. (1884). Again, ibid. (Zweiter 
above, pp. 91, 97. Artikel) in ZDMG. xlv. 187 seq. 
2 See also Hyde, p. 315. (1891). 
8 Spiegel, Vistacpa oder Hystaspes 4Cf. also his later remarks in 


und das Reich von Baktra, in Sybel’s 
Histor. Zeitschrift, N. F. 8, Bd. 44, 
pp. 1-21 (1880). Also Ueber das 
Vaterland und Zeitalter des Awesta, 


ZDMG. xli. 295 (1887), xlv. 197 (1891), 
lii. 193 (1898). 
5 ZDMG. xii. 288, 289, 292 seq. 


SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY Papal 


western Iran. Eugen Wilhelm upholds Spiegel’s identification 
of the Hyaonians with the Chionite and locates them on the west 
side of the Caspian Sea. The associated Avestan word varadaka 
(Yt. 9. 31 = Yt. 17. 51) is likewise a proper name, i.e. Varedhaka, cf. 
Vertae, of Ammianus Marcellinus; and Av. hunwu (Yt. 5. 54) desig- 
nates the Huns. Lehmann expresses his opinion very strongly 
that the ancient Vishtaspa was not a Bactrian prince, but that he 
ruled in western Iran, in Media; that Zoroaster had nothing what- 
soever to do with Bactria, where the crude civilization of his time 
would have been unsuited for his teaching, but that Media fur- 
nished exactly the soil that was needed for it to bear fruit.2 Darme- 
steter several times expressed himself in favor of the west for the 
entire scene of early Zoroastrianism, because he considered the 
Bactrian tradition rather to be late.’ 

Justi. The most recent authority to touch upon the question 
and to uphold the western view is Justi (Die dilteste iranische 
Religion und ihr Stifter Zarathushtra).* A brief summary of the 
deductions on this point in his important treatise is given. The 
numbered divisions are my own: — 

1. The Avesta itself does not place either the home of Zoroaster 
or the kingdom of Vishtaspa in Bactria, nor mention either name 
in alluding incidentally to the city of Bactria. The rise of the 
Bactrian kingdom was post-Achaemenian. The transferrence of 
Vishtaspa’s capital to Bactria, as is done in later times, is purely 
artificial. Spiegel’s arguments are sufficient to overthrow the whole 
theory of a Bactrian origin of the Iranian religion. 

2. The allusions to the sacrifices by Vishtaspa and Zairivairi on 
the Frazdinava and Daitya, and to Arejat-aspa as a Hyaona, are 
examined in their eastern aspect and in the western light. In 
Justi’s opinion the Daitya may be the Araxes on the northern 
boundary of Adarbaijan, and the Frazdanava is more likely, 
perhaps, to be the Armenian Hrazdan. Acts of worship performed 
in the Adarbaijan territory would be appropriate to Iranians. 


1 Wilhelm, ZDMG. xiii. 96-101. i. 10-13; Zend-Avesta, tr. SBE. iv. 
2Edy. Lehmann, Die Perser in Introd. xlvii-liii (1st ed.); and his later 
Chantepie de la Saussaye, Lehrbuch statement, p. lxvii (2d ed.), together 
der Religions-Geschichte (neue Aufl.) with Le ZA. iii. p. lxxxiii, where nu- 
ii. 159-160. See also his comment on meroussuggestions and hints are given. 
Phraortes, p. 156. 4 In Preussische Jahrbiicher, Bd. 88, 
8 Darmesteter, Ktudes Iraniennes, p. 255 seq., 1897. 


Doe APPENDIX IV 


More weight also is laid on the likelihood of the Chionite being 
placed in the Caucasus region and Gilan. Like the later Huns, 
the invasion of Arejat-aspa may have been made through the moun- 
tainous country to the west of the Caspian Sea. 

3. It is notable that of the three most sacred fires one (Adhar 
Gushnasp) belongs originally to Adarbaijan, one (Adhar Xurrah, or 
Farnbag) to Persis (Istakhr), and one (Adhar Barzhin Mithr) to 
Khorassan, but none to Bactria. Yet see note at foot of this page.’ 

4. Media was the native place of Zoroaster, and it was also the 
home and realin of Vishtaspa. But Kavi Vishtaspa was not a great 
king, not a ‘king of kings’ (Ane. Pers. asayabiya asayabiyanam) ; 
he was rather a minor prince (daihupaiti) of Median Ragha. The 
suggestion is conjecturally put forward that we might, perhaps, 
assume that some great king of Media later accepted the religion 
and made it current in the world. Such a monarch would have been 
the Median Fraoreta (Phraortes) ‘Confessor,’ who may have adopted 
the faith and have thus received a Zoroastrian name. The father of 
Phraortes also had a Zoroastrian name as he was called Kyaxares 
(i.e. HuvaxSatara), beside his ordinary title Dahyauka. 

5. Finally, by way of illustration, Atropates and his successors 
in Atropatene were zealous adherents of Zoroastrianism from 
Achaemenian times, and the Gathais themselves show a religious 
intolerance that still remains typical of the Magi in Sassanian 
times, and is characteristic of the fanaticism that marks the later 
Assassins who likewise had their origin in Atropatene.? I may also 
add that Justi wrote me that it was only after long and careful con- 
sideration that he came to these conclusions and abandoned the 
view that Bactria was the home of Zoroastrianism or that Zoro- 
aster perished there.® 

Additional Arguments. — Some other arguments might be added to 
these already given in support of the west. For example :— 

1. Vishtaspa and Hutaosa in the Avesta both were Naotairyans. 
The comment in Zat-sparam places Notar in the west, sixty leagues 
from Cist, as explained above (p. 193, n.1). If Vishtasp be asso- 


1 Justi, op. cit. p. 257; but with count for their not generally being con- 
regard to the Farnbag fire he seems to nected with that particular region. 
have overlooked the statement in Bd. 2 Cf. op. cit. pp. 259, 256. 

17. 6; see p. 99, n. 4 and p. 217 above. 8 Letters dated Jan. 8, 1897, and 
The question whether Bactria has any June 12, 1897. 
voleanic or petroleum fires might ac- 


SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 223 


ciated with Balkh, one would then have to assume that only his 
family came from the west. It is true that this might be quite pos- 
sible in royal lines, and there actually seems to have been some 
change of dynasty or break in the succession when Vishtasp came to 
the throne, as noted by Justi,' so this argument would not necessarily 
militate finally against the east; it is only a matter of proportionate 
probability. On account of the Ragh and Notar allusion it would 
be convenient to accept Vishtasp as also belonging to the west. 

2. The two Avestan Yasht fragments (Yt. 23. 4, 24. 2) give 
among the blessings which Zoroaster wished might accrue to Vish- 
tispa the boon: ‘Mayest thou be able to reach the Razha, whose 
shores lie afar, as Vafra Navaza was able.’ According to Darme- 
steter the circumambient stream Ravzha in the Avesta is to be 
identified with the Tigris.? This might, therefore, be used as a 
ground for placing Vishtaspa’s kingdom in the west, but not neces- 
sarily so; the wish of a wide-extended kingdom might hold equally 
good if the star of Vishtasp’s empire were moving from the east 
westward. 

3. As the Avesta constantly speaks of idolaters, unbelievers, 
devil-worshippers (daéva-yasna) it might be suggested that Zoroas- 
ter’s reform was especially directed against the Yezidis, or devil 
worshippers, of the region about the Caspian Sea.° 

4. Arejat-aspa as noted above, p. 211, is represented in the Avesta 
(Yt. 5. 116) as offering sacrifice near the sea Vourukasha (the 
Caspian Sea) —upa zrayd vouru-kaSam — asking for victory over 
Vishtaspa and (later addition) Zairivairi* It might be claimed that 
we have Vishtdspa’s enemy not only on the Caspian Sea, but pos- 
sibly on the west side of it, although the expression with upa might 
equally refer to the eastern side of the Caspian which is still oceu- 
pied by Turkomans. 

5. A somewhat fanciful conjecture might be made that we may 


1 Justi, op. cit., pp. 246, 252, ona pos- 
sible change of dynasty, and Spiegel, 
ZDMG. xiv. 196-198. Cf. p. 70, n. 2 
above. 

2Te ZA. ii. 382, n. 73, 78; but 
Geiger, OIK. map, makes Razha the 
Yaxartes. 

3On the Yezidis, see Browne, A 
Year Amongst the Persions, p. 522, 


London, 18938; Bassett, Persia, the 
Land of the Imams, pp. 31-383, New 
York, 1886. 

4The mention of Zairivairi would 
imply that the first invasion is in- 
tended if we follow the division into 
two wars, p. 105. Notice may here 
be taken of what is said of Zariadres 
and his realm on p. 73 above. 


224 APPENDIX IV 


perhaps have an allusion to the west (possibly Persepolis?) in the 
Dinkart reference to the ‘treasury of Shapigan’ (or Shaspigan, 
Shapan, or Shizigién—for such are the readings allowed by the 
MSS.), in which Vishtasp deposited the original codex of the 
Avesta.! As further related in the Dinkart this fell into the hands 
of the Greeks and was translated into their tongue. The treasury 
of the archives is usually associated with Persepolis.” 

6. Hamzah of Isfahan connects Vishtaésp with Persia, for he 
makes him build a city in the district of Darabjard in the province 
of Persia.’ 

Résumé of the Western View.— The more general claim in favor 
of western Iran is, that the religion was probably developed in the 
country where Zoroaster himself arose; that in his day Bactria was 
still in the earliest stages of civilization and its name is not con- 
nected either with his or with Vishtasp’s in the older texts; that 
Media, on the other hand, would have been a suitable field for his 
teaching and that the allusions to the west give a more consistent 
theory for ancient times. It is claimed, moreover, that Vishtaspa’s 
foe, Arejat-aspa, belonged to western Iran, on the ground of identi- 
fying the Hyaona with the classic Chionitz and of placing these in 
the Caspian region. Finally, Vishtaéspa was a minor king, and it is 
possible that the Median ruler Fraortes (‘Confessor’) may have 
made Zoroastrianism the national religion of Media. The devil- 
worshippers of the Avesta would answer to the later Yezidis of the 
western territory. 


General Summary 


Although we may agree that Zoroaster by birth arose in western 
Iran, we cannot be equally sure that the chief seat of his activity 
was also there. Both sides of the latter question have been pre- 
sented, as were the former. The classical references (as early as the 
second century A.p.) would imply the possibility of Bactria or the 


2D, 38. 6§r3y 7.07. 8, n., 5.8. 45 
SBE. xxxvii. p. xxxi; SBE. xlvii. pp. 
82, 127. 

2See also Tabari (p. 675, Leyden 
ed.) : ‘ Bishasp sent this (archetype) to 
a place in Istakhr called Darbisht’ 
(vocalization uncertain), Gottheil, Rey- 
erences to Zoroaster, p. 37. The same 


is repeated from Tabari by Bundari 
(with reading Zarbisht?) in Hyde, 
Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. pp. 314-316. 
See also above, Chap. VIII., p. 97. 

3 See Hamzah, ed. Gottwaldt, ii. 26, 
and cf. Darab D. P. Sanjana, Geiger’s 
Eastern Iranians, ii. 212, note by 
Spiegel. 


SCENE OF ZOROASTER’S MINISTRY 225 


east, as a scene, as well as of Media (Persia) and the west. This 
fact might be interpreted that he taught in the east, though he arose 
in the west. The Avesta does not decide the case. An allusion to 
the scene of Vishtaspa’s two sacrifices may equally refer to Seistan, 
and to Media and Atropatene. From evidence in Pahlavi literature, 
we know that Zoroaster himself was in Seistan for a while, during 
the early part of his prophetic career. From the same source we 
also know he was in Turan, and the Gathads allude to a Turanian 
adherent. This would seem to speak, in part at least, for eastern 
Iran, even if his patron Vishtaspa ruled in western Iran. From the 
Pahlavi and later Zoroastrian literature, the scenes of the Holy Wars 
would appear to have been located rather toward the east, in Merv 
and Khorassain. On the other hand, the silence of the Avesta on 
some vital points in connection with the east, together with an infer- 
ence that Vishtaspa belonged to the same country as Zoroaster, and 
spoke the same dialect, would argue rather in behalf of western 
Iran. This latter view would be strengthened if the existence of a 
Bactrian kingdom at an early period be doubted. The majority of 
Iranian specialists, perhaps, seem to have felt that a stronger case 
can be made for Media and the west as the scene alike of Zoroaster’s 
activity and his birth. On the other hand, later tradition, which 
includes Mohammedan-Iranian sources, is almost unanimous in pla- 
cing Vishtasp’s kingdom in Bactria, which is claimed to have been 
founded by Lohrasp. Having now presented both sides of the 
question, we may refrain from drawing a conclusion between the two 
views, for the present, and content ourselves with recalling what 
was said at the outset, that Zoroaster was a reformer, and he had a 
mission; in modern times the field of a great missionary’s work is 
not usually confined to a single part of a country, whatever it may 
have been in ancient times. 
Q 


APPENDIX V 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S 
NAME 


CotiEcrep with the help of my student and friend Louis H. Gray, 
Fellow in Indo-Iranian Languages in Columbia University, to whom 
I wish to express my thanks with sincerity for his constant readi- 
ness to give assistance, especially in collecting the so-called Zoro- 
astrian Logia. His kind aid is much appreciated. — A. V. W. J. 


The list is confined simply to such passages as mention Zoroaster by name. 
Its compass might have been greatly extended if allusions to Magi, Persians, 
Hystaspes, or the like, had been included. 

Much material from the Classics had already been gathered by Barnabé 
Brisson, De Regio Persarum Principatu, Paris, 1590 ; Hyde, Religio veterum 
Persarum, Oxon. 1700. The first systematic and excellent collection, however, 
of classical references on Persian subjects in general was made by J. F. Kleuker, 
Zend-Avesta, Anhang z. 2ten Bd. 3ter Theil, Leipzig und Riga, 1788. This is 
still one of the standards. A different arrangement of the material is found 
in Rapp, Die Religion der Perser und der iibrigen Iranier nach d. Griechischen 
und Rimischen Quellen, in ZDMG. xix. p. 4 seq., XX. p. 49 seq. (translated into 
English by K. R. Cama, Religion and Customs of the Persians, Bombay, 
1876-1879) ; it should be consulted, as it includes also Persian and Magian 
subjects. Consult also Windischmann, Zoroastrische Studien, pp. 260-313, 
Berlin, 1863 (translated into English by Darab D. P. Sanjana, Zarathushtra in 
the Gdthds, pp. 65-141, Leipzig, 1897). On special classical references, see, 
likewise, Jackson in JAOS. xv. 221-232; xvii. 1-22. 


ALPHABETIC LIST OF AUTHORS AND EDITIONS 


1. Look for the author under his approximate date given in this list, or consult 
reference by section (§). 

2. Those marked with an asterisk (*) are cited as authorities by other writers or 
are mentioned by them. 


Abdias, in Fabricius, Codex apocryph. Novi Test. i. 402-742, Hamb. 1719. 
See § 50. 

Afer, C. Marius Victorinus (a.p. first half fourth century), ed. Migne, Patrolog. 
Lat. tom. 8. See § 28. 


226 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 227 


Agathias Scholiastikos (c. a.p. 5386-582), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 88. 
See § 35. 

Ailios Theon, see Theon. 

Ainaias of Gaza (fl. a.p. 487), ed. Barthius, Leipzig, 1655. See § 34. 

Alcuinus (a.p. 735-804), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 100-101. See § 40. 

Alexander Poluhistor (s.c. first century), see § 4, also cited under Georgios 
Sunkellos, § 41. 

Ammianus Marcellinus (c. a.p. 330-400), ed. Gardthausen, Leipzig, 1874. See 
§ 22. 

Anathemas against Manicheans, see § 42. 

Anonymi Vita Platonis, ed. Westermann, Paris, 1862 (same vol. as Diog. Laert.). 
See under Plato. § 1. 

Apuleius Madaurensis (temp. Antonini Pii), ed. Hildebrand, Leipzig, 1842. 
See § 11. 

* Aristotle (B.c. 384-322), cited under Pliny ; Diog. Laert. 

* Aristoxenos (fl. B.c. 318), cited under Origen, Contr. Her. i. 

Arnobius (c. a.p. 295), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 5. See § 16. 

* Athenokles (date unknown), cited under Agathias. 

Augustinus (A.p. 354-480), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 82-47. See § 28. 

Aurelius Prudentius (a.p. 348-c. 410), ed. in usum Delphini, London, 1824. 
See § 26. 


Basilios (A.D. 329-379), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 29-32. See § 20. 
* Berosos (c. B.c. 250), cited by Agathias. 


Cedrenus, see Georgios Kedrenos. 

Chaldean Oracles or Zoroastrian Logia, see § 51. 

Chronicon Paschale (a.p. 627, last date), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 92. See 
§ 39. 

Claudianus Mamertus (a.p. fifth century, second half), ed. Engelbrecht, Vienna, 
1885. See § 81. 

Clemens Alexandrinus (a.p. first century, end), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 
8-9. See § 18. 

Clemens Romanus (Bishop of Rome, c. a.p. 91, but probably the works ascribed 
to him to be assigned later), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 1-2. See § 12. 

Cornelius Alexander Poluhistor, see Poluhistor. 

Cotelerius, ed. SS. Patrum, qui temp. apost. floruerunt Opera, Paris, 1672. See 
§ 42. 

Cyrillus Alexandrinus (d. a.p. 444), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 68-77. See 
§ 29. 

* Deinon (date unknown), cited under Diogenes Laertius. 

Diodoros Sikelos (temp. Augusti), ed. Miiller, Paris, 1857. See § 8. 

* Diodoros of Eretria (temp. Augusti), cited by Origen, Contr. Her. i. 

Diogenes Laertios (fir. c. a.p. 210), ed. Cobet, Paris, 1862. See § 15. 

Dion Chrusostomos (born c. 4.p. 50), ed. Dindorf, Leipzig, 1857. See § 7. 


Epiphanios (a.p. 320-402), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 41-43. See § 21. 
* Euboulos (date unknown), cited by Porphurios, de Antr. nymph. 


228 APPENDIX V 


Euchologion, siue Rituale Grecorum, ed. Goarius, Paris, 1647. See under 
Anathemas, § 42. 

* Eudemos of Rhodes (s.c. fourth century), cited by Diog. Laert. 

* Eudoxos (c. B.c. 366) cited by Pliny; Diog. Laert. 

Eusebios (c. a.p. 264-340), Chronicon, ed. Aucher, Venice, 1818. See § 18. 


Fragmenta Historicorum Grecorum, rec. Miiller, 5 vols. Paris, 1841-1874. 


Geoponica siue Cassiani Bassi Scholastica de re rustica Ecloge (a.p. sixth 
century), ed. Beckh, Leipzig, 1895. See § 86. 

Georgios Hamartolos (c. a.p. 850), Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 110. See § 48. 
See also under Chron. Pasch. 

* Georgios Kedrenos (c. a.p. 1100), see wader Chron. Pasch., and also Migne, 
Patrolog. Gr. tom. 121. 

Georgios Sunkellos (a.p. eighth century, last half), ed. Dindorf, Bonn, 1829. 
See § 41. 

* Gregorios (c. A.D. 329-389), cited by Mich. Glukas. 

Goarius, ed. Edxodbyiov, Paris, 1647. See § 42. 

Gregorius Turensis (a.p. 538-593), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 71. See § 87. 


Hamartolos, see Georgios Hamartolos. 

* Hekataios (d. c. B.c. 476), cited by Diog. Laert. 

* Hellanikos of Lesbos (c. B.c. 496-411), cited by Georg. Sunkell. 

* Herakleides of Pontos (c. B.c. 360), cited by Plutarch, Adv. Colot., cf. also 
Anathemas and Petros Sikelos. 

Herennios or Philo of Byblos, see wnder Eusebios. 

* Hermippos (c. B.c. 200), cited by Pliny ; Diog. Laert. 

* Hermodoros Platonikos (8.c. fourth century), cited by Pliny ; Diog. Laert. 

* Herodotos (c. B.c. 484-420), cited by Georg. Sunkell. 

Hieronymus (4.p. 331-420), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 22-30. See § 24. 

Hugo de St. Victore (d. a.p. 1141), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 175-177. 
See § 46. 


Isidorus (¢. A.D. 570-636), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 81-84. See § 38. 


S, Iohannes Chrusostomos (A.p. 354-407), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 47-64. 
See § 25. 

Iohannes Ludos (born c. a.p. 490), ed. Bekker, Bonn, 1827. See § 32. 

* Johannes Malalas (a.p. sixth century, first part), see wnder Chron. Pasch. and 
also Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 97. 

Iustinus (temp. Anton. ?), ed. in usum Delphini, London, 1822. See § 10. 

Julius Solinus, see Solinus. 


Kassianos Bassos, see Geoponica. 

Kedrenos, see Georgios Kedrenos. 

* Kelsos (A.p. second century), cited by Origen, Contr. Cels. i. 
* Kephalion (a.p. second century), cited by Georg. Sunkell. 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 229 


* Klearchos of Soli (s.c. fourth century), cited by Diog. Laert. 
* Ktesias (fr. B.c. 898), cited by Diodoros Sikelos ; Georg. Sunkell. 
Kurillos Alexandrinos (d. a.p. 444), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 68-77. See 


§ 29. 


Logia of Zoroaster, so-called, § 51. 
Lukianos (temp. Antoninorum), ed. Dindorf, Leipzig, 1858. See § 9. 


Magika Logia of Zoroaster, so-called, see § 51. 
Michael Glukas (a.p. twelfth century, first half), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 


158. See § 47. 


Migne edition, Patrologize Cursus Completus, Series Greca, Paris, 1857-1866. 


tomm. 
ee 


66 


1-2 
8-9 
11-17 
29-32 
41-43 
47-64 
68-77 
80-84 
87 

88 

92 

97 
101-104 
104 


110 
121 
158 


Clemens Romanus (Bishop of Rome c. a.p. 91). 

Clemens Alexandrinos (end of first century a.p.). 

Origenes (a.p. 185-254). 

Basilios (a.p. 329-379). 

Epiphanios (a.p. 320-402). 

S. Iohannes Chrusostomos (a.p. 354-407). 

Kurillos Alexandrinos (d. a.p. 444). 

Theodoretos Kuraios (d. a.p. 457). 

Prokopios Gazaios (end of fifth century a.p.), 

Agathias Scholastikos (c. a.p. 536-582). 

Chronicon Paschale (last date a.p. 627). 

Tohannes Malalas (early part of sixth century a.p.). 

Photios (c. 820-c. 891 a.p.). 

Petros Sikelos (forgery of twelfth century a.p.? vide Krum- 
bacher, Gesch. der byzant. Lit.?, Miinchen, 1897, p. 78). 

Georgios Hamartolos Monachos (wrote c. a.p. 850). 

Georgios Kedrenos (end of eleventh century a.p.). 

Michael Glukas (a.p. twelfth century, first half). 


Migne edition, Patrologiz Cursus Completus, Series Latina, Paris, 1878-1879. 


tom. 
6e 


ce 
ce 


ce 


5 

8 

22-30 
31 
32-47 
71 
81-84 
100-101 
175-177 
198 


Arnobius (c. a.p. 295). 

C. Marius Victorinus Afer (a.p. fourth century, first half). 
Hieronymus (a.p. 831-420). 

Orosius (a.p. fifth century, first half). 

Augustinus (a.p. 354-430). 

Gregorius Turensis (4.p. 538-593). 

Isidorus (c. A.D. 570-636). 

Alcuinus (a.p. 735-804). 

Hugo de St. Victore (ob. a.p. 1141). 

Petrus Comestor (d. a.p. 1178). 


Nikolaos of Damascus (s.c. first century), cites Xanthus of Lydia. See § 2. 


Oracles of Zoroaster, see § 51. 
Origenes (a.p. 185-254), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 11-17. See § 14. 


230 APPENDIX V 


Orosius (a.p. fifth century, first half), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 31. 
See § 27. 
* Ostanes, cited under Pliny ; Eusebios. 


* Panodoros (fl. a.p. 400) cited under Georg. Sunkell. 

Petros Sikelos (forgery of twelfth century a.p.? vide Krumbacher, Gesch. der 
byzant. Lit.?, Miinchen, 1897, p. 78), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 104. 

Petrus Comestor (d. a.p. 1178), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Lat. tom. 198. See § 49. 

* Philon of Byblos (a.p. second century, first half), cited by Eusebios. 

Photios (c. a.p. 820-891), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 101-104. See § 44. 

Platon (8.c. 427-348) and Scholia, ed. Baiter, Orelli, Winckelmann, Ziirich, 1839. 
See § 1. 

Plinius Secundus (a.p. first century), ed. de Grandsagne, Paris, 1827-1832. 
See § 5. 

Ploutarchos (c. a.p. 46-120), Vitse ed. Déhner, Paris 1857-1862. See § 6. 

Ploutarchos (c. a.p. 46-120), Scripta Moralia ed. Diibner, Paris, 1841-1865. 
See § 6. 

Poluhistor, see Alexander Poluhistor and Solinus Polyhistor. 

Porphurios (a.p. 233-306) , de Antro Nymph. ed. Herscher, Paris, 1858. See § 17. 

Porphurios (a.p. 23838-3806), Vita Protag. et Plotini, ed. Westermann, Paris, 1862. 
See § 17. 

Prokopios Gazaios (a.p. fifth century, end), ed. Migne Patrolog. Gr. tom. 87. 
See § 38. 

Prudentius, see Aurelius Prudentius. 


Scholiasticus Bassus, see Geoponica. 

Scholion to Plato, see § 1. 

* Simakos = Symmachos (a.p. fourth century ?), see under Agathias, ii. 24. 

Solinus Polyhistor, C. Iulius (a.p. third century), ed. Salmasius, Utrecht, 1689. 
See § 19. 

Suidas (believed to be a.p. tenth century, but date not known), ed. Kuster, 
Cambridge, 1705. See § 45. 

Sunkellos, see Georgios Sunkellos. 


Theon Smernaios (temp. Hadriani), in Walz’s Rhetores Greci, Stuttg. u. 
Tiibingen, 1832-1836. See § 8. 

Theodoretos Kuraios (d. a.p. 457), ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 80-84. 
See § 80. 

* Theodoros of Mopsuestia (a.p. sixth century), cited by Photios. 

Theologoumena Arithmetika, ed. Ast, Leipzig, 1817. See § 48. 

* Theopompos (fl. B.c. 3388), cited by Diog. Laert. ; Ainaios of Gaza. 


Victorinus, see Afer. 


Xanthos of Lydia (s.c. fifth century), cited by Nikolaos of Damascus ; Diog. 
Laer. 


* Zoroaster, cited under Pliny ; Clemen. Strom. ; Origenes ; Eusebios, Prep. Ev. ; 
Ainaias of Gaza ; Geoponica. 
Zoroastrian Logia, so-called, see § 51. 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 231 


§ 1. Platon 
(B.c. 427-847) 


Alkibiades Protos, 121 E-122 A (a spurious work, perhaps 
by Alexamenos of Teos, an elder contemporary of Plato and the first 
to compose Socratic dialogues. See Bergk, Griechische Literatur- 
geschichte, Berlin, 1887, iv. 469): éredav dé Erréres yévwvrat ot ratdes, 
é€rt Tovs immous Kal ert Tos TovTwY didacKdAovs PoitHor, Kal ext Tas Oypas 
apxovrat ievat. dis extra b€ yevomevov ér@v Tov Tatda tapadauBavovow ods 
exeivot Bacirelovs Tadaywyovs dvoudlovaw* cioi dé éfeideypévor Tlepodv ot 
dpiorou Sogavres ev HAtkia TérTapes, 6 TE ToPwTaTos Kal 6 diKaLdTaTos Kal 6 
cwhpoverraros Kal 6 avdpeoratos. av 6 pev payeay Te OiddoKe tiv Zwpo- 
dotpov Tov Qpouagov,' — éore 8& todto Pedy Ocparreia, — SiddoKe S€ Kal Ta 
Baowrtka: 6 dé dukatdtaros GAnOevew Oia wavTds Tov Biov, K.T.A. 


Scholion on the First Alkibiades: é€rréras] 7 da 70 Tov 
Adyov Tore GpyecOar TeACLOdTHar, 7) Oud TO TOV Zwpodotpyv C yevomevoy erdv 
cwwryAcat, eira peta NX’ xpovous eEnynracba TH Baciret THs OAns pirocodpias, 
H Os TO MiOpa oiketov tov & apiOov, dv duahepdvrws ot Tépoa. o€Bovow. 

Zwpodorpys apxaidtepos eLaxicyiAlous ereow eivat A€yerat [1Adtwvos: ov 

e ® a c ‘\ A > “ ¢€ SS / / > , c 
ot pev “EXAnva, ot d€ Tov éx THS brép Tiv peydAnv Odraccay Arelpov wpyy- 
, a / lal / / ‘\ cal > lal 4 > iad 
pevov [aida] pact, racav te copiav rapa Tod ayabot Satpmovos exuabety, 
, > a“ , ey \ > € ‘ \ , 
TOUTETTW ETLTVXOVS VOHMaATOS* Ov Oy eis EAAQVLKHY Hwviv peTadpalomevov 
Tovvona TOV aotpobUTyy SyAot. TYsnoUd Te adToV THY avaKkexwpnKUiaY dia- 
WN cal a \ \ \ lal > 4 > la 4, , / 
yoyny tav ToAAGY, Kal 8) THY TOV EuWtxwv aroxnV, TVvyypappata Te Oudhopa 
KataAurewv, e& @v Kat del 6 f 3 r f i > avro 
: t detxvucGat Tpia pepn iAocodias eval KaT avTor, 


, / 
PvoiKkov, OiKOVOMLKOV, TOALTLKOV. 


Scholion to the Republic, X. p. 600 B: TWv6ayopas Mvy- 
adpxov SaxtvdAwoyAvpov, Tuppyvds. veds dé Ov HAGev ex Tuppyvar eis Sapor, 
Kai dujxovoe Depexvoovs Tod Supiov, eira “Eppodduavtos, ev dw ayorv, 
cira, “ABdpidos tov “YrepBopéov kat Zdaparos tod Mayov. eb” ovs id 
Aiyurriwv Kai Xaddaiwv éraidev6y. 

Anonymi Vita Platonis, ed. Westermann, p. 7 (Paris, 1862): 
pepabnxas dé [sc. 6 ddrwv] dre tiv epxnv cixov THs PiAocodias ot IvGa- 
yopetor dro Aiyirrov, #AOev eis Atyurrov, kai karopOwcas exeioe THY yewper- 
plav Kal TH teparixyy avexdpnoev. cir’ eAOwy cis Powiknv weprervxey exeioe 
Ilepoats Kai euabe rap’ avrois rHv Zwpoacrpov raweiav. 


1 Two Parisian MSS. (1811, 1812 — Becker’s E, F) read é&pofdpou. 


Zaz APPENDIX V 


§ 2. Xanthos (s.c. Fifth Century), quoted by Nikolaos of 
Damascus (s.c. First Century) 


This entire passage is in Nikolaos of Damascus (.c. first century) (Miiller, 
FGH. iii. 409). Xanthos wrote p.c. 465-425 (cf. Christ, Griech. Litera- 
turgesch.2 278; Bergk, op. cit. 240) (in Miiller’s Fragm. Hist. Gree. i. 
pp. 36-44). 

Fragm. 19 (Miiller, p. 42): Kpotow pev ody taxd oréyaopa roppupoty 
irepérewov: tots 5é dvOpwros TH pev bd Codov Kal AatAaros TaparropE- 
vols, Ta 5¢ S70 TOV doTparGV, KaTaraToUpEvols U7O TOV imTwV TpaxvVOLEevov 
mpos tov Wodov trav Bpovrdv, detuara Sapovia évérimrev, Kal ot TE THS 
LuBvrAAns xpyopot kal ra Zwpodorpov Adyia ciojer. Kpotcov pev odv €Bdwv 
ere paddrov 7) marae odlev: adrol d& KatamimrovTes eis ynv TpooeKUvour, 
edpéveav rapa Tod Geod airovpevor. act dé twes Marry rpoedopevov Ek 
Twov onpelov OuBpov yevnodopevov Kal dvapeve tiv @pav éxelvyv. TOV 
ye pa Zwpodorpyv IUepoa am’ exelvou deirav, pyre vexpods Kale, pyr’ 
ddAws puaivew Top, Kat médat TodTo KabeoTas TO vopipov Tore BeBaww- 
oOpLeEvol. 

See also Xanthos cited below under Diogenes Laertios, § 15. 


§ 3. Diodoros Sikelos 
(Wrote in the Reign of Augustus) 


. > » A 
Lib. I. 94.2: kat rap’ érépos S& trAcloow Over wapadédorar Todro Td 
ld a > / e / < \ AA > 06 ” , (4) A“ 6 cal ra 
yévos THs erwoias brapa Kat ToAAOV ayabGv attiov yeverOau Tols TeLTVeLor 
mapa pev yap Tos “Apiavots Zabpavarny icropoto. tov dyaGov daipova mpoc- 
roujoracOar Tors vopous aiTG dddvar, rapa dé Trois dvopalopevars Térais rois 
a > 
drabavarilovor ZdApoéw dcavrws tv Kowynv “Eoriav, rapa dé tots ‘lovdatous 


Movojy tov “law érixaAovpevov Oedv, K.7.X. 


< ? > / ‘\ 4 4, / > ‘ 

II. 6. 1-2: 6 & otv Nivos pera rocavrys dSuvdpews orparevdoas eis THY 

\ > / / 1 lal ig ‘ an »” ‘ 

Bakrpiavyvy qvaykalero, dvcecBoArAwv' Tv TOTWY Kal OTEVOY OVTWY, Kara 

/ 4 ss Ou c ‘ B ‘ , Dr! a X OA. 

peépos dyev tiv dvvanw. yap Baxrpravy xwpa woddats Kat peyadats 

> / / / \ 2 2 UY > an / > \ 

oikoupévy moAeot, plav pev etxev eribaverraryy, ev 7 TuveBawvey elvar Kai 
> lal lal 

7a Bacitea: airy 8 exadciro pev Baxrpa, peyéBe S€ Kai TH Kara Ti 
cal > a > 

dxpdérodw dxupdrnte ToAY racdv diépepe. PBaciredwv 8 adris O£vaprns? 

/ 7 \ > 3 “4 4 ” c ‘\ > ‘ > , 
karéypawev davras Tos év yAULKia OTpareias GvTas, ot Tov apiOpov HOpoicAn- 


> , , > \ > \ , \ a ' 
Gav €ls TETTAPAKOVTA pupiadas. dvaAaBav OvV THV dvvapw KQt TOLS Tro ELLOS 


1 Gilmore, ducKdAwy. 
2 Codd. A, B, D, ’Efadprns; F, 6 Zadprns; G, M, 6 Zadprns (Gilmore). 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 233 


> la ‘\ ‘\ > , 4 , “a fal , cal > “~ 
aravTnoas Tepl Tas elo BodAds, clace Epos THS Tod Nivov otparias cia Barer. 
érel 0 eOokev ixavov adroBeBnkévar TOV ToAcuiwv 7AROos eis TO Tediov, e&€rake 
\ 207 , , N , > a e \ \ 9 
tyv idtav Svvapiv. ‘yevouévys 8& paxns ioxupas of Baxrpiavot rods "Acov- 
4 , a 
pious TpeWapevor Kat Tov dwwypov méXpe TOV trepKEemevoV Spav roinodpevot, 
, a , > , , X \ A , a , 
duepOetpay tOv roAcuiwv eis déxa pupiddas. pera dé radra racys THs duvd- 
a , / ¢ 
pews cic Barovons Kparovpmevot Tois TAUOeot, KaTa TOAELS drreXwopnoay, ExacroL 
a 3sQ7 , , \ X\ > » c , > , e , 
Tats idtars rarpict BoyPjcovres. Tas ev ovv dAXas 6 Nivos éxetpwoaro padiws, 
XN ‘ , / X > , \ \\ > > a ‘ > , ‘\ 
7a. b€ Baxrpa dua te THY dxupoTyTa Kal Tas ev adTH TapacKevas HOvvaTEL KaTA 
, e ia , 1 be a rv fe / ec a / 8 
Kparos €Aelv. moAvxpovov’ de THs wodwopKias yevomevys 6 THS epupdpdos 
vip €pwrtkOs EXwv Tpds THV yuvaika Kal TvoTparevdpevos TO Bacrdrel, perTe- 
/ \ » ¢€ ‘ 4 \ , \\ o +4 a \ 
meuwato tiv avOpwrov. 1 S€ ouvécer Kal TOAUN Kal Tols GAXoLS TOIs Tpds 
> / , , \ er. 2 6 (E a) \ NE 
eripaveray GuVTELVoUTL KEXopnynEevn, Katpov eAaBev eridetEacOar tiv idiav 
3 , 4 \ > a ¢ lal eqn / , \ 
dpeTyv. TpOTov pev ovv TOAAGY HuEepov dddv péAAOVCD. Siarropever bar TTOAHV 
ry / 7 @ 3 > A ‘ , , > , 
éerayparevoato, du’ Hs ovK Av SiayvOvar Tov epiBeBAnpevov wérepov avijp 
5) > a a 
éorw 7) yuvn. avry & hv evxpnotos ath mpos Te Tas év ToIs Kavpacw ddol- 
lol “ , cal tal 
Toptas, eis TO Sarnpyoat Tov TOD TwuaToS XpHTa, Kal pds Tas év TO TpaTTELV 
a 4, , > / > \ , \ ‘\ , , 
0 Bovdowro Xpetas, edkivyTos otoa Kal veaviKy. Kal 7d otvoov Toca’Ty TIS 
cys > A us 7 se , ¢€ la a , ~ ‘\ 
ery avty xapis wo6 vorepov Mydous iyyoapevous THs Acias, popeiv riv 
/ Ve AN x ag ¢ / i? , > > 
Zepipdyudos ororAnv, kal pera Tad” duoiws Uepoas. wapayevouevn 8 els 
, 
tv Baxrpiavyy, kat katacKepapévy TH mept THY moALopKiay, Edpa Kara pev 
‘ / \ \ > / lal / ‘ , ‘\ \ N 
Ta 7edla Kal Tos evepddovs TY Térwy mpocBodas ywomevas, mpds SE Thy 
> / 3 la / ‘ \ > 4, \ ‘\ + > , 
axporoAw ovdéva mpooidvra, Sia THY 6xupdrnTa: Kal Tos évSov aroAcAoUTOTAS 
\ > a2 4 \ a - SEN a , A 
Tas évravdor” pudakds, Kal taper PBonOodvras Tois ext TOV KaTW TELX@V KLdv- 
vevovor. didrep tapadaBodoa tay otpatwtav trois werpoBareiv ciwOdras, 
\ ‘\ , 4 fol , lal / / 
kal MeTa TOUTWY Oud TWOS XarETHS Papayyos TpocavaBaca, karedaBero pépos 
THS akpoTOAEws, Kal TOLs TOALOpKODGL TO KATA TO TEdLOV TELXOS EoHUNvEY. Ob 
8 A } EN a ar fe A 4 r , 42 9N \ 7 \ 
evOov ert TH KaTahyer THS akpas KatamAayevres, Ef€AuTOv TA Teixn, Kal 
lol , / 
THS THTYPLas aréyvwcay. 


§ 4. Kornelios Alexander Poluhistor, quoted by Other Writers 
(s.c. First Century) 


Fragmm. 138-139, apud Clem. Alex. Strom. I. 15 (tom. i. col. 776, 
ed. Migne) et Cyrill. adv. Iul. IV. p. 183 (tom. ix. col. 705, ed. 
Migne): *Adé£av8pos dé &v 7G rept Uvbayopixdv cup Pdrwv Nalaparo 
TO “Acorpiy pabyredoar toropel rov WvOaydpav (‘IeLexupA rodrov Hyotvral 
Twes, ovK €ore SE Os ereita SywOynoerar), axyKoévat Te mpos Tovrors T'aAarav 
kat Bpaxydvev tov TvOaydpav Bovdrerar. toropet yoov *AXé~avdpos & 


1 Miiller, roAvxpovtov, 2 Miller, évraiéa. 


234 APPENDIX V 


éexikAnv Hodvictwp ev 73 rept UvOayopixdv cup Bdrdwv ’Acovpiv to yévos 
ovr. TO Ldpa ghournoa tov Ivbaydpar. 
See also under Georgios Sunkellos, § 41. 


§ 5. C. Plinius Secundus 
(a.v. 23-79) 


Nat. Hist. VII. 15: Risisse eodem die quo genitus esset unum 
hominem accepimus Zoroastrem. eidem cerebrum ita palpitasse, ut 
impositam repelleret manum futurae praesagio scientiae. 


XI. 97: Tradunt Zoroastrem in desertis caseo uixisse, ita tempe- 
rato ut uetustatem non sentiret. 


XVIII. 55: Adiecit iis Accius in Praxidico ut sereretur, cum luna 
esset in Ariete, Geminis, Leone, Libra, Aquario. Zoroastres sole 
duodecim partes Scorpionis transgresso, cum luna esset in Tauro. 


XXX. 2.1: Sine dubio illic orta in Perside a Zoroastre, ut inter 
auctores conuenit. sed unus hic fuerit, an postea et alius non satis 
constat. Eudoxus, qui inter sapientiae sectas clarissimam utililissi- 
mamque eam intelligi uoluit, Zoroastrem hune sex millibus annorum 
ante Platonis mortem fuisse prodidit. sic et Aristoteles. Hermippus 
qui de tota ea arte diligentissime scripsit, et uicies centum millia 
uersuum a Zoroastre condita, indicibus quoque uoluminum eius posi- 
tis explanauit, praeceptorem, a quo institutum diceret, tradidit Azo- 
nacem ipsum uero quinque millibus annorum ante Troianum bellum 
fuisse. mirum hoc in primis durasse memoriam artemque tam longo 
aeuo, commentariis non intercedentibus, praeterea nec claris nec con- 
tinuis successionibus custoditam. quotus enim quisque auditu saltem 
cognitos habet, qui soli cognominantur, Apuscorum et Zaratum Medos, 
Babyloniosque Marmarum et Arabantiphocum, aut Assyrium Tarmo- 
endam, quorum nulla extant monumenta?... primus quod extet, 
ut equidem inuenio, commentatus de ea Osthanes, Xerxem regem 
Persarum bello, quod is Graeciae intulit, comitatus; ac uelut semina 
artis portentosae sparsisse, obiter infecto, quacumque commeauerat, 
mundo. diligentiores paulo ante hune ponunt Zoroastrem alium Pro- 
connesium.... est et alia Magices factio, a Mose et Iamne et 
Iotape Iudeis pendens, sed multis millibus annorum post Zoroastrem. 


XXXVII. 49: Celebrant et astroitem, mirasque laudes eius in 
magicis artibus Zoroastrem cecinisse, qui circa eas diligentes sunt, 
produnt. 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 235 


Ibid. 55: Zoroastres crinibus mulierum similiorem bostrychiten 
nocat. 


Ibid. 57: Daphniam Zoroastres morbis comitialibus demonstrat. 


Ibid. 58: Exebenum Zoroastres speciosam et candidam tradit, 
qua aurifices aurum poliunt. 


§ 6. Ploutarchos 
(About a.p. 46 to about a.p. 120) 


* > 
Vit. Numae, IV.: dpa ob agkiv ear, tadra cvyywpodtvras emt TovTwv 
> ” > , ‘\ 4 ‘\ 4 ‘ ”~ \ 7 
amare, eb Ladrevkw kat Mivw cat Zwpodorpy kat Nowa Kal Avkovpyw, 
/ A ‘\ ip aA > ‘\ 3 AN > / iN 
Baotrcias KuBepvGou Kat modurelas Siaxocpotow, eis TO aitd édoira Td 
Sarpoviov ; 


De Isid. et Osir. XLVI: kat doxe? rodro rots wAcicrous Kal copw- 
, / XN c ‘\ ‘ > 4 / 3 U4 ‘\ XN 
Taro. vopuilovor yap ot pev Beods elvar d¥0, kabazep dvtiréxvous* Tov pey 
> wn \ X\ 4 / e X\ \ \ > ia / »\ X\ 
ayabav, Tov O€ havAwv Snpwovpyov. ot dé Tov péev duelvova, Hedy, tov Se 
Erepov, daipova Kadovow: domep Zwpdacrpis 6 payos, dv mevraxurxtAéos 
la a = mal 
reat Tov Tpwixdv yeyovevat tpeaBvtepov taropovow.  ovros ov ékdAe 
\ ‘\ e , . Te ja ‘\ vA \ ‘ > / 
tov pev Qpopalnv, tov & “Apewdviov: Kal mpocamedpaivero, rov pev éorké- 
AS , lal > lal \ 2) oe / ‘\ > “4 , 
var putt padriora tov aicOyrav, Tov 8 euradw oKdtw kal dyvota, pécov 
0 duo tov MiOpyy evar. 810 Kal MéOpnv epoca tov Mecirny évopd- 
207 a X\ 3 a , \ , a \ ae / \ 
Cover edidake TO pev edxraia Ovew Kal xapiorypia, TO 8 drorpdmaa Kal 
Opwrd. 5 L } "O oupevynv ev Or ov ad 
ckvipwrd. Toay yap Twa KomTovTes Opp Kadoupevny ev Aum, TOY adnV 
> A \ \ , > / 7 , / > 
dvakadovvTaL Kal TOY OKOTOV’ Etta pigavTes aipate AvKov ThHayevTos, eis 
, 3 , > / bgt \ ‘ lal lol , x N 
TOTov avnALov exepovcr Kat pirTovaL. Kal yap TOV Puta vouilovor Ta pev 
a 3 A a“ \ \ a ~ , > \\ na , 7 , 
Tod ayaGod Geov, Ta SE Tod Kaxod Saipovos elvar: Kal Tov Lowy, domep Kivas 
\ >” \ / Se: mi 3: Lal A \ , \ bene 
Kal opvifas Kal Xepoaious éxivous, Tov dyafod: Tod dé pavAov, Tovs evidpous 


? \ AN , s > , 
€LVQL * 10 KQUL TOV KTELVAVTA mAELoTOUS evoatpovicovarv. 


De defectu Oraculorum, X.: éuot 8 Soxodcr rrelovas Ada 

XN , > , e \ lad , s > , a \ > , 
Kal preiCovas aropias of TO Tav daydvwy yevos év pécw Oedv Kal dvOpu- 
Tw, Kal TpdTOV TWd THY KOLWWViaV yUaY GVayov eis TAvTO Kal CUVdrToOV 
> / + /, lal \ FF, c 4 e / > »” 
efevpovres* etre pdywv tov mept Zwpodorpyv 6 Adyos obrds éorw, eiTe 
@paxios ax “Opdéws, cir Aiytarios, 7) Bpvywos, os TexwapdueOa rats 
c , a 3 f \ BS \ M4 a > 
exatépwht rederais dvapeprypéva, TOAAG OvyTa Kal réevOipa tov dpyrao- 
pevov kat dpwpéevwv iepov dpavtes. 

. > 

Quaest. Conviy. IV. 1. 1: od yap euenryjpny, trey 5 Bidrwv bre 
Lwodorpov ypiv trorpéeper 6 Bid{tvos, dv pace pujre word xpynodpevoy GAAw 

47-2 97 \ BY , a , A i 
pyr edéecpare tAyv 7) yaAakros SiaBiaoar wdvra Tov Giov. 


236 APPENDIX V 


Ibid. IV. 5. 2: kai ré av tus Aiyurrious aituiro tis tovadrys ddoyias ; 
o ‘ \ \ c a \ 3 4 \ / \ 
dou Kat Tovs IvOayopixods taropotor Kal arextpvova AevKov oeBecOar, Kat 
tov Gadartiov paAdvora tpiyAns Kal dxadynpys aréxerbar* tors 8 ad Zwpo- 
aoTpov payous Tysay pev ev ToIs padtoTa TOV XEpoatoy exivov, exOaipev dé 

\ > 4 cal ‘\ ‘ > / , aA \ , 
Tos evvdpous pds, Kal TOV GmoKTeivovTa mAcaTovs OeopiAn Kal paKkapLov 
vopilew ; 


De Animae Procreat in Timaeo, II. 2: xai Zaparas 6 IWv6a- 
yopov diddoKados tavryy [sc. dvdda] pev exdret Tod dpiOj.0d pntépa, TO de ev 
marépa* 610 kat BeAtiovas civar TOV GpiOuav, doo. TH pmovade mpoceoiKact. 


Ibid. XXVII. 2: .. . dvdyxnv iv cipappévnv of roAAol Kadodow * 
"EpredoxAns b€ pidtav duod Kal vetkos + “HpaxAertos de, madivtporov apovinv 
KOO o N , \ “a _ inf {6 be n \ , +3 "A & 

pov, OoKwo7rep Avpys Kal Tofov* Iappevidns dé Ps kal oKoros* “Avaga- 
, XN A ‘\ > (A , ‘ ‘\ ‘\ / ‘\ ‘ > 
yopas 8€ votv kal drepiav: Zwpodorpys de Oedv Kai daiwova, Tov pev ‘Qpo- 
pacdnv Kkadwv, Tov & “Apeysaviov. 


A x wn 
Advers. Coloten, XIV. 2: mod yap dv ris douynrov 7d BiBdéiov 
eypaes; tva tatta ovvriBeis TA eyKAHWaTAa py ToOIs ekeivov CUVTAypLacW 
> , a3 , > a > , ‘ \ > a \ SS 4 
evTvxysS, Nd avardBys eis xetpas “ApirroréAous Ta wept ovpavod Kal Ta Tept 
Wux7s, Oeoppacrov dé ra Tpds Tors Pvatkovs, “HpaxAcidov* de tov Zwpo- 
a LA n a 
GoTpHV, TO Tepl TOV ev adov, TO Tepl TOY vatkds amopovpevwv, Arkacapxou 
dé ra repli Wuys, €v ois mpos TA KUpwwrata Kal peyioTa TOV hvoiKdy w7e- 
vavriovmevor TO [IXdrwvi kai paxopevor dvateAodar. 


§ 7. Dion Chrusostomos 
(Born about a.p. 50) 


Borysthenica Orat. XXXVI. (vol. i. p. 60 f., ed. Dindorf) : 
\ be > \ \ rv. a a“ A aN DO ‘ » 9 2£/ an 78 
TO € ioxupov Kat TEXELOY Appa TOD Atos ovdels apa vuvycey aLins TOV THOE 
ovte “Opnpos ovte ‘Hoiodos, d\AA Zwpodotpys Kal paywv matdes adovor wap 
}Npos ov iod0s, G\AG Zwpodotpys Kat paywv matdes a p 
> , ‘ 5 a , , ” 4 ‘\ 4 > 
exeivov pabovres* ov Hepoa A€yovow épwrt codias Kal Sixatcoovvys aroxw- 
, a »” > en > »” \ Ae UW, < A . oo» 
pyoavta Tov aGdAwy Kal aitrov év dpe tii Cyv* ereta apOnvat Td dpos 
mupos avobev ToAAOD KatacKyWavTos GuvexOs Te KdecOa. Tov ov Bactrea 
aiv Tots €\Aoyipwraros Mepodv adixvetoba tArAnolov, BovrAopmevov evSacGat 
TO Oed* Kat Tov avdpa eEeAOely ex TOD tupds arabh, havevta Se avTois TAcwv 
Gappeiv keActoat Kal Pica Ovaoias Twas, ws yKOVTOS Eis TOV ToOTOV TOD ODeo?. 
ovyyiyverOai Te pera Tata ody dmacw aA Tols apiota tpos aAnOevav 


, \ a a , , a , , 37 
mepukoot Kat TOD Deod cuvtévat Suvvapevas, ovs Ie€poat payous éxadecer, 


10n Herakleides of Pontos, cf. Bahr, in Pauly’s Real-Encyclopidie, 
Miller, Fragm. Hist. Gree. ii. 197 ff.; iii. 1142-1144. 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 237 


> , / \ , 3 e 4 > 7 Ay, Sah 

eriotapevous Oeparrevety TO Satpoviov, odx ws “EAAnves ayvoia Tod dvoparos 
’ 

ovTws dvoualovow avOpdrous yonTas. 


§ 8. Ailios Theon 
(Flourished about a.p. 125 ?) 


Progymnasmata, 9: od yap ci Tourpis 7 Macoayéris, 7 Sapédpa 
7 Apo d Saxwv Bactréws yuvyy Kpeitrwv éeoti Kipov, 7 Kai vat pa Aé 
9 Apwyou Tov SaKwv S yu) KpEeiTT WV Vpov, 7 Kat vat pa Aia 
Sepwipapts Zopoactpov tov Baxtpiov, yoy svyxwpytéov kat to OAV Tod 
dppevos elvat avopeorepov, pas pev 7 Ovo yuvatKOy dvdpeoTdtwy ovcdav, 
dppevwv d€ tapmoAA@v. 


§ 9. Lukianos 
(Flourished about a.p. 160) 


Nekuomanteia, 6: xai pot tore diaypurvotvte tovTwv evexev edokev 

és BaBvAdva €AOovta SenOnvai twos Tov paywv Tov Zwpodetpov pabytav 

\ , y+ > > ‘ > A \ a > 7 A 

Kat diadoxwv, yKovov 8 adrovs érwdats Te Kal TeX€eTals Tio dvocyeW TE TOD 
“i a 

"Aidov Tas mUAas Kal Katdyew ov av Bovdwvtat dopadds Kal dzicw avis 


Gyarr €.7relv. 


§ 10. M. Iunian(i)us Iustinus 
(Period of the Antonines ?) 


Hist. Philippicae, I. 1. 9-10: Postremum illi bellum cum 
Zoroastre, rege Bactrianorum, fuit, qui primus dicitur artes magi- 
cas inuenisse, et mundi principia siderumque motus diligentissime 
spectasse. hoc occiso et ipse decessit, relicto impubere adhuc filio 
Ninya et uxore Semiramide. 


§11. Apuleius Madaurensis 
(Born about a.p. 125) 


Florida, II. 15 (vol. ii. p. 59, ed. Hildebrand): Sunt qui Pytha- 
goram aiant eo temporis inter captiuos Cambysae regis, Aegyptum 
cum adueheretur, doctores habuisse Persarum magos ac praecipue 
Zoroastren, omnis diuini arcanum antistitem, posteaque eum a quo- 
dam Gillo Crotoniensium principe reciperatum. 


De Magia, XXVI. (vol. ii. p. 502 f., ed. Hild.): Auditisne 
magiam, qui eam temere accusatis, artem esse diis immortalibus 
acceptam, colendi eos ac uenerandi pergnaram, piam scilicet et 


238 APPENDIX V 


diuini scientem, iam inde a Zoroastre et Oromazo auctoribus suis 
nobilem, coelitum antistitem? quippe quia inter prima regalia 
docetur, nec ulli temere inter Persas concessum est magum esse, 
haud magis quam regnare. idem Plato in alia sermocinatione de 
Zalmoxi quodam Thraci generis sed eiusdem artis uiro ita scriptum 
reliquit: OepareverOar dé Tiv Woyny, épy, © pakdple, erwdais tii. Tas SE 
érwbas TOds Aoyous elvat Tovs Kadovs. Quodsi ita est, cur mihi nosse 
non liceat uel Zalmoxis bona uerba uel Zoroastris sacerdotia ? 


Ibid. XXXI. (p. 514): Pythagoram plerique Zoroastris sectatorem 
similiter magiae peritum arbitrati. 


Ibid. cap. XC. (p. 615 f.): Si quamlibet modicum emolumentum 
probaueritis, ego ille sim Carinondas uel Damigeron, uel is Moses 
uel Iannes uel Apollonius uel ipse Dardanus uel quicumque alius 
post Zoroastren et Hostanen inter magos celebratus est. 


§ 12. Clemens Romanus 
(About .p. 80-100, but probably written later) 


Recognitiones, IV. 27-29 (tom. i. col. 13826 f., ed. Migne) 
(only in Latin transl. of Rufinus; dates about end of a.p. second 
century. Cf. Schoell, Histoire Abrégée de la litt. grecque sacrée 
et ecclésiastique, Paris, 1832, p. 220 f.; Christ, Griechische Litera- 
turgeschichte, 2d ed. p. 732). 27: Ex quibus unus Cham nomine, 
cuidam ex filiis suis qui Mesraim appellabatur, a quo Aegyptiorum 
et Babyloniorum et Persarum ducitur genus, male compertam magi- 
cae artis tradidit disciplinam; hune gentes quae tune erant Zoro- 
astrem appelauerunt, admirantes primum magicae artis auctorem, 
cuius nomine etiam libri super hoe plurimi habentur. hic ergo astris 
multum ac frequenter intentus et uolens apud homines uideri deus, 
uelut scintillas quasdam ex stellis producere et hominibus ostentare 
coepit, quo rudes atque ignari in stuporem miraculi traherentur, cupi- 
ensque augere de se huiusmodi opinionem, saepius ista moliebatur 
usquequo ab ipso daemone, quem importunius frequentabat igni suc- 
census concremaretur. 


28: Sed stulti homines qui tune erant, cum debuissent utique 
opinionem, quam de eo conceperant, abicere, quippe quam poenali 
morte eius uiderant confutatam, in maius eum extollunt. extructo 
enim sepulcro ad honorem eius, tanquam amicum dei ac fulminis 
ad caelum uehiculo subleuatum, adorare ausi sunt, et quasi uiuens 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 239 


astrum colere. hinc enim et nomen post mortem eius Zoroaster, hoc 
est uiuum sidus, appellatum est ab his, qui post unam generationem 
graecae linguae loquela fuerant repleti. hoc denique exemplo etiam 
nunc multi eos qui fulmine obierint, sepulcris honoratos tamquam 
amicos Dei colunt. hic ergo cum quartadecima generatione coepisset, 
quintadecima defunctus est, in qua turris aedificata est, et linguae 
hominum multipliciter diuisae sunt. 

29: Inter quos primus, magica nihilominus arte, quasi corusco ad 
eum delato, rex appellatur quidam Nemrod, quem et ipsum Graeci 
Ninum uocauerunt; ex cuius nomine Niniue ciuitas uocabulum sum- 
sit. sic ergo diuersae et erraticae superstitiones ab arte magica 
initium sumpsere. 

Et eius, quem supra diximus indignatione daemonis, cui nimis 
molestus fuerat, conflagrasse, busti cineres tanquam fulminei ignis 
reliquias colligentes hi, qui erant primitus decepti, deferunt ad 
Persas, ut ab eis tanquam diuinus e caelo lapsus ignis perpetuis 
conseruaretur excubiis, atque ut caelestis deus coleretur. 


Homilies (also spurious), IX. 4 f. (tom. ii. col. 244, ed. Migne) : 
> aA la , ie , ‘\ ‘\ ‘ fe > /, 
€k TOU YEvOUS TOUTOU YivETaL TLS KATO diadoxyny paylKa TapeAnpus, ovouate 
A lal a lal , ay 
NeBpsd, dorep yiyas évavtia TH Hed ppoveiv EAopevos, ov ot "EXAnves Zwpod- 
® 
OTpnv Tpoonyopevoav. ovTOS peTa TOV KaTaKAVE HOV Bactrcias dpexGeis Kai 
a nae A A 
péyas Ov payos TOU viv PactA€vovTos KaKoU Tov WporkoTodVTA KOTMoY aoT Epa 
‘ X 2 > a , 60 Lal ew 4 , CS Ny Ley, \ 
mpos THv e£ a’rod BacwWeias Sdow paytKkais nvayKale TEXvals. 6 de dre 8) 
» xX X A , \ 3 , ” 2 > an \ A , 
dpxwv dv Kal Tod Baopévov tiv eLovotav ExXwv, weT Opyys TO TIS Bacrreias 
mpooéxee Top, va mpds Te Tov SpKiopov edyvwpovyTy, Kai TOY TpdTws dvay- 
KATOVTA TYLWPYNTNTAL. 
3 4 a aA 2 > ~ \ , > aA < / 3 XN 
éx tavrys ov THs €€ otpavod Xapal TeToVTNS aoTpaTIS O MayoS avatpebeis 
NeBpdd, x rod ovpBdvros rpdypatos Zwpodotpys petovop.acOn, Sua TO THY 
rod dorépos kat aitod Lécav évexOivae porjv. ot de dvonror Tov Tore avOpuwrur, 
e ‘\ ‘ > \ 4 “ a ‘ ‘ / lal 
ws bua TH eis Ceov piAtav Kepavve perarenpbetoay THY WuxXHV vopicavTEs, TOU 
, A uA , x XN , ft) 4 > , 
odpatos TO A€Wavov KatopvéavTes, Tov pev TAapov vaw éTiunoay év Hepoats, 
” e A X \ , aN ALE N > , , 
20a 4 Tod mupds Katapopa yéyovev, abrov de ws Geov eOpyoKkevoay. TovT® 
ee: , \ ce \ > a ‘ lal fA) e 6 aA 
TO brode’ypatt Kal ol ouTot ExeloE TOUS KEpavvy UV YTKOVTAS ws coptAEts 
Odarrovres vaois TILOTL, Kal TOV TeOVEdTwY Siwy pophav toTaow dydhpara. . . 
Iépoa mparor ras && otpavod recovans aotpamis AaBovres avOpaxas TH 
oixeia SiepiAakav tpopy Kat ws Oedv ovdpdviov pote AOAVTES TO TOP, WS 
poy p porupi) Ps 
a > aA cal cal , , -, > 
MPOTOL TPOTKYVYTAVTES, UT AVTOD TOU mupos mpary Bacirela Teriuyvrar’ pe 
an 4 
ots BaBvddvioe dad rod éxel tupos avOpaxas KAcWavres Kal SiacwoayTeEs els 


lal ‘\ \ 4 > , 
ra €avtav Kal mpocKwvijcavTes Kat aiTol dxoovOws €Bacidevoav. 


240 APPENDIX V 


§ 18. Titus Flavius Clemens Alexandrinus 
(Died between a.p. 211-218) 


Stromata I. (tom. i. col. 773, ed. Migne): ér7AGe yap [ sc. 6 Anpuoxpt- 
ros!] BaBvAGva re kai Mepoida kat Atyurrov Tois Te paryiKots Kat Tots iepevot 
, / X \ / \ / c / 3g 7 3 
pabnrevwov. Zwpwdotpyy & tov payov tov UWéponv 6 UvOayopas eonAwoev.” 
BiBrovs aroxptpors Tavdpds TOvdE ot Tiv IIpodiKou peTLOvTES aiperw avxovor 


KexTno Oat. 


Ibid. (tom. i. col. 868, ed. Migne) : Tpoyvacet de Kal Ilv6ayopas 6 
péyas mpocaveryey det,"ABapis te 6 “YrepPdpeos, Kai “Aptoteias o I poxov- 
vioos, Expevidns te 6 Kpys doris eis Srdpryy adixero, kat Zwpodorpys 6 
Mijoos, "EpzredoxAjjs te 6 Axpayaytivos, kat Doppiwv 6 AaKwv. 


Ibid. Strom. V. (tom. ii. col. 156 f., ed. Migne): 6 8 airés &v ro 
Sexdtw THs Tlodutefas “Hpds Tod “Appeviov,’ ro yevos Tapdvdrov, PeuvynTal, 
7 > / 4 3a lal « , , 5 , , 
és é€ott Zopoaotpys.* aivtos yovv 6 Zopodotpys ypape Tade ocvveypayer 
ZLopoaotpns 5 “Appeviov, To yévos Udaudvdos. év odepm teAevTyTas ev 
“Avon yevomevos eddnv mapa Oe@v. Tov 59 Zopoaotpyny Tovrov 6 IAarwv dwoe- 
katatov él TH Tupa Ke(pevov dvahidvar A€yer. Taxa pev ody THY dvdoTacl, 

, be > tal thew 2 c SN cal , , c < ‘\ ial tal 
raxa St éxetva aiviccerat, ws Sia Tov dddeKa Cwdiwy y Odds Tais Wy ris 

/ > ‘ S52. SN XN \ > ‘\ / 7 X\ DN 
yiverau eis THY dvdAny. adrds S€ Kat eis THY yeveriv HyoL THY aUTHV 
ylyverOar KaGodorv. 


§ 14. Origenes 
(a.p. 185-254) 


Contra Celsum I. (tom. i. col. 689, ed. Migne): dpa otv et py 
dvrixpus Kaxoupyav e&éBade [sc. 6 Kédcos] tod Kataddyou tay copay kal 
Moveéa, Atvov 8& kat Movoatov kat Opdéa Kal Tov Pepexvdnv Kat rov Heponv 
Zupodotpyy Koi Uvoaydpavy pijcas rept tOvd_e dierrypéevat, Kai és BiBdovs 


katarebeicbat Ta Eavtov Soypara, Kal repvrdxOae adr pepe dedpo. 


Contra Haereses I. col. 3025: Acd8wpos 52 6 Eperpteds kat A pirro- 
evos 6 povarxds pyot mpds Zapdrav tov Xaddatov €AyAvbevar Wvbayopay ° 
rov 88 éxbécbat aitd S8¥o evar dx’ apis Tots obow aitia, TaTépa Kat pyTEpa* 
kal Tarépa pev pds, pytépa S& oKdTos, ToD de Pwrds pépn Oeppov, Enpor, 

1 Cf. Eusebius. 3 Vid. Plato, Repub. p. 614 B. 

2 Quoted by Cyrill. adv. Iul. iii. 4 Zwpdaorpis in Euseb. Prep. Evang. 
(tom. i. col. 633, ed. Migne) where, XIII. 13, 30. 


however, é(fAwoey is read (cf. Win- 
dischmann, Zor. Stud. 263). 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 241 


cal cal . i. / e 4 , 

Kodpov, Taxv* Tod dé aKdTovs Wuxpov, bypov, Bap’, Bpadv. ex 8€ TovTwv 

, \ A 

mavTa Tov KOoMov GuverTaval, €K Oydelas Kal appevos* civar SE TOV KOopMoV 
4 X ‘ ¢ - Py \ \ x “DY a 6 \ , 

vow Kata povotknv dppoviav, 16 Kat Tov yALtov TovetoOar THY mepiodov 

> / A be cal > fol \ / LZ LO \ ré \ 

€vappoviov. rept d& TOv ek yns Kal KOTMoV ywouevwy Tdde act réyew Tov 

s xX > 4 4 

Zapdrav* Svo daimovas clvat, Tov pév oipdvoy, Tov d€ XOdviov* Kal Tov pev 
/, > , XN , > ied aA <2 be vO e \ be > 4 a 

x9oviov dvievae THY yeveow EK THS Yis, Elvat O€ Vdwp* Tov SE Ovpdvioy Tip 
Zs an s/ 0 ‘\ A “A 8 A \ / poe 3 tal 3ON 

peréxov TOU dépos, Oepudv Tov Wuxpod. 810 Kat TovTwv oidey dvatpely ovde 
ve \ ‘ , 5 m” ‘\ Le > , Len / , OS 

puaivery pyot tiv Woxnv’ eT yap Tatra ovoia Toy TdvTwVY. Kvapovs Oe 

, , A , 
Aéeyerar TapayyeAAew pay éoOiew, aitia Tod Tov Zapdryy cipyKevat Kata THV 
lal , A fol 
GpXnV Kal CUYKPLOW TOV TAVTWV GLVLOTAMEVYS THS YHS ETL Kal TVVTETHMWLEVNS 
/ > 

yevérOan Tov Kvapov. TovTov dé Tekunpiov pyow, «i Tis KaTapaTnodpeEVoS 
ial \ s f? \ 9 / , fal \ > , ry , 

Aeiov Tov Kvapov Katabein mpos YALov XpdOvoy Ta — TOUTO yap EdMéws avTLAY- 

, rc) 6 / / 35 , / be > \ oo 
wera — rporpepev avOpwrivov yovov ddunv. cadéorepor O€ civat Kal erepov 
10 ré >’ 3 6 A A / »\ , \ , \ Noy: 6 

mapadeypa A€yet, et avOodvTos TOU Kvdépov AaPovTes TOV KVapov Kal TO avOos 

avrov Kal katabevtes eis yUTpav TavTyV TE KaTaxpicavTes eis yv KaTopvsalpev 
\ SISK e , > , io XN OES ay 4 ‘\ SS 

kat per dAlyas Huepas avaxaAtWamev, Wouney (av) adTd eidos Exov TO pev 
lal c ‘ ~ 

TpOTov ws alcyvvyv yvvatkos, peta O€ TadTa KaTavoovmevoy Tratdiov KEepadijy 


Aa 
ovpTrepukviav. 


Ibid. V. (auct. inc.) Migne, vi. col. 3170: dSvvayis Seba efovordler 
KapTav* TovTov 4 ayvwota éxdAnoe Miva, ov kat cikdva éyévovto Boupéyas, 
"Ooravys, “Eppys tpirpéyioros, Kovpirys, Ierdoipis, Zwddpiov, Bypwods, 
"Aotpapipovyos, Zwpoactpis. 

Ibid. VI. (col. 3228, Migne): xat Zaparas 6 IWvOayédpou diddcKados 


yA \ \ a , \ \ , , 
EKGAEL TO MeV €V TAaTEPA, TO oe dvo PyTEpa. 


§ 15. Diogenes Laertios 
(Flourished about a.p. 210) 


Procm. 2 (ed. Cobet, Paris, 1862): do d& rév Maywv, dv dpgéau 
Zwpodotpyv Tov Ieponv, Eppddwpos pev 6 WAatwrixds év To rept pabnnatrwv 
yo cis THV Tpotas GAwow ern yeyovevas TevTakicxidia*’ EdvOos 5€ 6 Avdds 
cis THV Hépéov SiaBacw azo Tov Zwpoaorpov éLaxioyxidua Pyotr, kat met adrov 
yeyovevat ToAAOUs Twas Mayous kata diadoxyv, Ooravas Kal “Aotpapiisxous 
kat TwBpvas kai Ualaras, péxpe THs TOv IlepoGv im’ “AXdeEdvdpov katadvoews. 

Ibid. 6: ryv 8 yonrixiy payeiav obk éyvwoay [sc. of Méyor], dyotv 
2 , Y al , a \ 7 > Cal / lad e lal a \ 
AptororeAns €v To Mayixo Kat Acivwv €v TH TEUTTH THY LOTOpLWY* Os Kat 

/ , \ / > , > \ X\ A 
ucOepunvevopevov prot tov Zwpodotpyy dotpoOvryv eivar* pyai d€ TodTo 
K a ie ‘E 50 "A ‘r. Ye > a fa \ Xr ie ‘\ 

at 6 Eppodwpos. plorotéAns 0 €v TO TPWTw TEpL PirOTOdias Kal mpET- 


1 Two MSS., éfaniox Ara. 


242 APPENDIX V 


, 9 a > , - \ bu > > ‘\ ; > , > \ 
Burépovs evar trav Aiyurriwv' Kat dvo Kar avTous ElvaL apxas, dyabov 
/ \ \ , “ a XN ” ~ \ Wop , fal 
Saiuova Kat kaxov Saipova, Kal TO pev Ovopa etvar Zevs Kat Opopacdys, TO 
A Y lal 
88 "Awns Kal Apetmdvios. pyot 8€ rotTo Kat “Eppummos €v TO TpwTH TeEpt 
, \ 4 > a , \ , > a 3 , a 
Médyov Kat Evdofos €&v 77 Tlepiodw Kai @edropros €v TH dydon TOY Pider- 
a a \ > , SS ‘ , \ \ > , Q 
muav, 6s Kal dvaBudcecOar Kata Tos Mdyous pyci tovis dvOpwrous Kal 
” > / ‘\ ere Lal 3. A > , , cal \ 
Zoecbar abavdrous, kal Ta dvTa Tals abrOv emuAjoeor Suapéverv. Tada de 
.s A 
kat Evdnpos 6 “Pddios toropet. Exaratos dé Kal yevntovs Tovs Deods elvar 
kar’ abrovs. Kdéapxos 8¢ 6 Sodeds ev TH wept madelas Kat tous Tvpvoco- 
S aA e ? 
gurras droydvous eva Tov Mdywv pyoiv® enor de Kat tous “lovdaious éx 


a 
TOUTWY ELVaL. 


§ 16. Arnobius 
(Wrote about a.p. 295) 


Adv. Gentes I. 5 (col. 727 f., ed. Migne): ut inter Assyrios 
et Bactrianos, Nino quondam Zoroastreque ductoribus, non tantum 
ferro dimicaretur et uiribus, uerum etiam Magicis et Chaldaeorum 
ex reconditis disciplinis, inuidia nostra haec fuit ? 


Ibid. I. 52 (col. 788 ff.): Age nune, ueniat quis super igneam 
zonam, magus interiore ab orbe Zoroastres, Hermippo ut assentiamur 
auctori. Bactrianus et ille conueniat, cuius Ctesias res gestas histo- 
riarum exponit in primo, Armenius Hosthanis* nepos, ete. 


§ 17. Porphurios 
(A.D. 233 to about a.p. 804) 


. 5 > an fol 
Vit. Pythagorae 12: & re ’ApaBia rH Baordrel ovvnv [6 Tv6ay6- 
pas] év te BaBvdduvt ois 7° dAXows Xaddalors cvveyevero Kat mpos ZaBparov 
- a 
ddikero, map ob Kal dxabdpOn Ta Tod mpotépov Biov Avpata Kal €d1daxOn 
> > ee tA / a ny , / \ ‘2 /, » N 
ad’ ob dyvese mpoorKe. Tois Trovdaiots, Tov TE TEpL PUTEWS AOYOV 7}KOVTE KaL 
s € a ¢ > , 2 S aA \ a \ 26 , < 4 
rives al Tov GAwv apxai. ek yap THS TEpt TadTa Ta EOvy TAaYNS O Ilv6ayopas 
To mACaTOV THS Topias everropEevoaTo. 
¢ 
De antro nympharum 6: ovrw kat Mépoa rv cis Kato xaodov 
al nw ‘\ 1A. WE 5 a “ \ 4, > /, 
tov Woxav Kat wad e€odov protaywyotvtes TeAOVOL TOV PMYOTHY, ETOVOHA- 
4 4 e A ‘\ 9 A / > ‘\ 
gavTes OTHAaLoY TOTOV* TpATa pev os Pyow EvBovdos, Zwpoarrpov avTopves 
, > fal Xr , »” fal Oo ‘8 > 0 Xv \ \ ” > 
ompdavov év Trois TANTiov peor Tis Hepaidos avOnpov Kat myyas EXov avte- 
pwcavTos els TYiy TOD TavTwWY ToLNTOD Kal TaTpos M6pou, cixova épovros 
> lol fal , ~ /, a « 14) e8 , lal \ > os 
ait Tov omyAaiov Tod KoOcpov, ov 6 MiOpas edyptovpynoe, THV de evTos 
kata cuppérpovs aroordaces cipBora pepdvTwv TOV KoopLKOY OTOLXELWY 
\ , 4 \ be A 7. / , \ \ a.» 
Kal KAydtwv* peta S¢ TodTov Zwpodotpyy KpaTyTavTos Kal Tapa Tois adAots 


1 MSS. Zostriani, cf. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. 289. 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 243 


> > lat + , 
8? dvtpwv Kal orndAaiwy elt’ odv adropuady Elite XElpoToijTwv Tas TEdETas 


arroo.dovat.: 


3 Se A és 
De Vita Plotini § 16: yeyovact 8€ kar’ avrov Tov Xpiotiavav 7oA- 
Not pév Kal GAOL, aiperiKot dé éx THs maAralas pirocodias avnypevot ot 
mept “AdeAduov kat ’"AxvdXjtvoy, oc Ta “AXeEavdpov tov AcBvos Kai Piroxdpov 
kat Anpoorpatov Kat Avdod ovyypdppata mAEloTa KEKTHMEVOL, arroKaALWeLs 
Te mpopepovtes Zwpodorpov kat Zwortpiavod kat NuxoBéov kat *“AdXoyevois 
kat Mécov kat dAXAwy Towovrwv ToAAOUs eEnTaTwv Kal adtol ATaTnPEVOL, ws 
39 rod TAdtwvos eis to Babos tis vontis ovcias od meddoavTos. <dOev 
> A X A > , S. > a , tA QA A 
abros pev moddovs €A€yxXovs Tovovpevos év Tals Tvvovaiats, ypdias dé Kal 
4 7 w yi ‘\ > , e lal ‘A ‘ , 
BiBAlov, drep mpds To's yvwortiKods éreypawapev, uly Ta Aouad Kpivelv 
KatadéAourev. “Apedtos 5€ aype tecoapakovta BiBriwy mpoKexXapyKE Tpos 
76 Zwortptavod BiBALov avttypapwv. Tlopdvptos d€ éyw rpos TO Zwpodorpov 
A , > / 7 4, A , \ , , 
avxvors meToinpat €A€yxous, OTws vOOoy TE Kal véov Td BiBAlov rapadetkvis, 
reTAacpevoy TE UTO TOV THY aipeoly GvoTyTapévoy eis dokay Tod Eivat TOD 
A , \ , a > + 9 , 
madatov Zwpoaorpov Ta Odypata, a adroit ethovto wpe Bevetv. 


§ 18. Eusebios 
(About a.p. 264-340) 


This passage is usually assigned to Philo Byblius (flor. circ. A.p. 
125), Fragm. 9, apud Euseb. Praep. Evang. I. 10 (tom. ii 
col. 88, ed. Migne): kat Zwpodorpys 5€ 6 pdyos év TH tepd Owaywyy TOV 
TlepotxGv dyow xara Aé~w* “O 8 Oeds ote Kepadry éxwv tépaxos. ovTds 
€otw 6 mpatos apOaptos, aidios, ayévvyTos, amepys, avomoLoTatos, Avioxos 
TaVvTOS KAAOd, GdwpoddKyTos, ayabdv ayafwTaTos, Ppovinwv ppovi~wraros * 
> \ XN \ \ > 4 \ 4 > 4 , \ / 
€atl 0¢ Kal waTHp eivouias Kal SiKaLooivyns, adTodidakTos, PvotKds, Kai TEAELOS, 

A / Ne. cal A , ¢ , \ XN Diy , 3 / ‘\ 
Kat coos, Kat Lepod voikod pLovos etpeTys. Ta O€ atta Kat Oordvys Pyat 
TEpl avTov ev TH émrypahomevn Oxtarervxy. 

Ibid. X. 9, 10 (col. 805 seq., ed. Migne): ob Nivos ézavupos 

le a \ ae , ae > a , € , 
mods, 4 Nuvevt wap “EBpatos wvepactat, Kal ov Zwpodorpys 6 payos 
Baxrpiwv €Bacirevoce. Nivov d& yuvy kat diadox0s THs BactArEias Lewtpapus ° 
wor vat tov “ABpaap Kata TovrTovs. 

Eusebius Chron. II. 35, ed. Aucher (to year 9 of Abraham): 
Zoroastres magus rex Bactrianorum clarus habetur: aduersum quem 
Ninus dimicauit. 


1 Thus Nietzsche in his ‘ Also sprach Zarathustra’ makes the Sage dwell in a 
cave, with a serpent and an eagle as his faithful companions. 


244 APPENDIX V 


§ 19. C. Iul. Solinus Polyhistor 
(a.v. Third or Fourth Century) 


I. Nascentium uox prima uagitus est: laetitiae enim sensus 
differtur in quadrigesimum diem. itaque unum nouimus eadem 
hora risisse, qua erat natus, scilicet Zoroastrem, mox optimarum 
artium peritissimum. 


§ 20. Basilios Megas 
(A.D. 829-379) 


Epist. CCLVIII. (tom. iv. col. 953, ed. ste) tas 8€ €x TOD 
"A Bpaap YopaAc yas ovdels lv HEXpL TOD TapoVTOS TOV paywv EuvOodroynoeEV * 
GdXO. Zapoddy twa éavrois dpynyov Tod yévous eripnpiCovar. 


§ 21. Epiphanios of Constantia 
(A.D. 298-403) 


Adv. Haereses, Lib. I. Tom. I. 6 (tom. i. col. 185 seq., ed. 
Migne): NeBpw6 ue Baorever vids Tod Xods rod AiPioros, és ov ee 
yeyevvntat. TovTov 7 pao ev ‘Opex ene IRae, Kal év “Appad, Kat 
Se xriter St Kal THY @eipas Kal THY OdBer kal AdBov ev TY “Acovpiwv 
XOPt rorév act matdes “EAAHvwy eivar Tov Zaponrnpres, os mpootw 
Xeproas emt Ta dvaToNKa pépy olKLoTHS yiveTat Baxrpov.! evrev0ev Ta 
KaTa THY YHV Tapavoya Sravevepayrat. egieusieris nee ovTos Diet atid KaKNS 
budaxijs daoTpoAoytas Kat havea), ws Ties pact TEpt TOvTOV TOU AS: 
Tri os H axp(Bea meprexee ToD NeBpw8 rod yeyavtos ovTos jv 6 Xpovos: 
od Todd 8& GAAHAWY TS xpovy SeeoTHKaoWw aupw, 6 Te NeBpwO Kal 6 
Zwpoacrpys. 


§ 22. Ammianus Marcellinus 
(About 330-400) 


XXIII. 6, 32-34: magiam opinionum insignium auctor amplis- 
simus Plato machagistiam esse uerbo mystico docet, divinorum 
incoruptissimum cultum, cuius scientiae saeculis priscis multa ex 
Chaldaeorum arcanis Bactrianus addidit Zoroastres, deinde Hystaspes 
rex prudentissimus Darei pater. qui cum superioris Indiae secreta 
fidentius penetraret, ad nemorosam quandam uenerat solitudinem, 


1 The same statement is later repeated by Prokopios of Gaza, see below, § 38. 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 245 


cuius tranquillis silentiis praecelsa Bracmanorum ingenia potiuntur, 
eorumque monitu rationes mundani motus et siderum purosque 
sacrorum ritus quantum colligere potuit eruditus, ex his quae didicit, 
aliqua sensibus magorum infudit, quae illi cum disciplinis praesen- 
tiendi futura per suam quisque progeniem posteris aetatibus tradunt. 
ex eo per saecula multa ad praesens una eademque prosapia multi- 
tudo creata deorum cultibus dedicatur. feruntque, si iustum est 
eredi, etiam ignem caelitus lapsum apud se sempiternis foculis custo- 
diri, cuius portionem exiguam ut faustam praeisse quondam Asiaticis 
regibus dicunt. 


§ 28. Marius Victorinus Afer 
(About a.p. 350) 


Ad Iustinum Manichaeum (col. 1003, ed. Migne): Iam uidisti- 
ne ergo quot Manis, Zoradis, aut Buddas haec docendo deceperint? 


§ 24. Hieronymus 
(4.D. 331-420) 


Epist. 132 (tom. i. col. 1153, ed. Migne): In Hispania Agape 
Elpidium, mulier uirum, caecum caeca duxit in foueam, successo- 
remque qui Priscillianum habuit, Zoroastris magi studiosissimum, 
et ex mago episcopum, cui iuncta Galla non gente sed nomine, 
germanam hue illucque currentem alterius et uicinae haereseos 
reliquit haeredem. 


§ 25. Iohannes Chrustostomos 
(a.p. 347-407) 


Lib. de S. Babyla contra Iulianum et Gentiles (tom. 
ii. col. 536, ed. Migne): eizé yap pot, dua ti Tov Zwpodorpyy éxetvov Kai 
tov Zaporw ovde €& dvopatos icacw of roAXol, madXrov dé ovde tives ARV 
OXywv TWv; ap ody bt TAdopaTA AV TA TEpl Exeivwv ACyoueva aTraVTA; 
KatTOL ye KaKEivoL Kal ol TA exeivwy ovvOevTEs Sewvol yevérOar A€yovTaL, ot peV 
yonreiav eipeiv Kal épydoacbat, ot d€ cvoKxiacar Weddos TH TOV AOywv TLOavo- 
TyTl. GAAG TévTa paryv yiverar Kal €ikH, Otav Y TOV eyomevwy robects 
cabpa kai Wevdys ovoa TUXN, WoTeEp Ody, OTav icxUpA Kai GANnOyYs, aravTa wadW 
parnv yivetat Kai eik TA mpds dvatpomiy Eémwoovpeva, Tapa TOV ExOpav- 
ovdeuias yap Setrar Bonbeias 7 THs GAnOeias ioxvs. 


246 APPENDIX V 


§ 26. Aurelius Prudentius Clemens 
(4.p. 348 to about a.p. 4101) 
Apotheosis, 492 ff.: 
ecquis alumnus 
Chrismatis inscripto signaret tempora ligno; 
p 8 p gno; 
Qui Zoroastraeos turbasset fronte susurros. 


§ 27. Paulus Orosius 
(Wrote about a.p. 417) 


Hist. I. 4 (col. 700, ed. Migne): Nouissime Zoroastrem Bactria- 
norum regem, eundemque magicae (ut ferunt) artis repertorem, pugna 
oppressum [sc. Ninus] interfecit.? 


The passage contains some account also of Semiramis as well as 
of Ninus. 


§ 28. Aurelius Augustinus 
(A.D. 354-430) 


De Civ. Dei, XXI. 14 (tom. vii. col. 728, ed. Migne): Solum 
quando natus est ferunt risisse Zoroastrem, nec ei boni aliquid 
monstrosus risus ille portendit. nam magicarum artium fuisse 
perhibetur inuentor; quae quidem illi nec ad praesentis uitae 
uanam felicitatem contra suos inimicos prodesse potuerunt. a 
Nino quippe rege Assyriorum, cum esset ipse Bactrianorum, bello 
superatus est. 


§ 29. Kurillos Alexandrinos 
(About a.p. 876-444) 


Contra Iulian. III. (tom. ix. col. 633, ed. Migne): dz pév obv of 
Mayor Iepotxov eiot yévos, épotoi ov ravtws. Zwpoartpyv ye piv ovoets 
dradAdéeve AOyos TOD Tals paytkats evicynacOar Téxvats, ov d1) Kal mavdpLorov 

A , / c \ / > / ? > cal 
Cnrwrnv UvOayopay haciv, as kat BiBAovs aroppytovs wap’ avtod ouvTe- 


Oeipevas adynoal TLwas. 


1 Quoted also by Gregory of Tours, 2 Praised by Ekkehard Urangiensis, 
Miraculor. lib. i. cap. 41 (col. 7438, col, 505, ed. Migne (vol. 154), 
ed. Migne). 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 247 


§ 30. Theodoretos of Cyrus 
(About a.p, 387-457) 


Graecarum Affectionum Curatio, IX. de legibus (tom. 

iv. col. 1045, ed. Migne): adda xara rovs Zapddov wéAar Wépoae roAurevo- 
, \ / \ 3 A 3 a \ La \ 4 

Pevot vopous, Kal pytpdot Kat ddeAdais ddeGs Kat pevtor Kal Ovyarpdor 
plyvipevol, Kat Evvowov THv mapavopiav vouilovres, éreidi) THs TOY aALéwy 
vopobecias éryjxovoay, Tos pev Zapadov vowouvs ws wapavoulay érdrncev, 
THv evayyedtKny S5€ cwdpootvyy Hydmynoav. Kat Kvol Kal oiwvois Tovs 
vekpovs mporiBévar map éxetvou peuabnkores, viv tovro Spav of morev- 
TayTEs OUK dvEXOVTAL, ANAL TH YH KaTaKp¥rTovaL, Kal TV TodTO Spav dmrayo- 

4 > , ts A , ‘\ an , 
pevovTwy ov dpovriovor voywv, ovde meppixace tiv Tov KoAalovTwy 


WOT HATA. 
§ 31. Claudianus Mamertus 
(Wrote about a.p. 470) 


De statu animae, II. 8 (col. 750, ed. Migne): Quid ego nune 
Zoroastri, quid Brachmanum ex India, quid Anacharsis e Scythia, 
quid uero Catonum, quid M. Ciceronis, quid Crysippi, qui ab ipso 
paene principio sui operis animo dominandi ius tribuit, corpori 
legem seruitutis imponit, in defensionem ueri sententias adferam ? 


§ 32. Iohannes Laurentios Ludos 
(Born about a.p. 490) 


De Mensibus, II. 3 (p. 14, ed. Bonnenn.): [87 of epi Zwpo- 
dotpyv kat “Yordornvy Xaddaior kat Aiydarioe dd rod dpiOuod tay mXa- 
vitov év €Bdoudd. Tas Huepas dvedaBov, Kal TH pev TpOTyY Huepay piav, 
ws Kai of Hvfaydperor, kadodow x ths povddSos, Ste povyn Kal aKoLvavnTOS 


Tats a\Xaus. | 


Ibid. Il. 5 (p. 16, ed. Bonnenn.): rocatra pev wept ris pas, Av ds 
» , = A A a > ” id , SELF 4 XN 
epyv tpwtynv to TAHGOs Kadel, qv Kat’ alcOnow HArALw dvéevro, TOLL. [LEV 
Tod mavtos aicOyrod pwros, & ob Oepyaiver re dua Kal jpeua Enpaiver ra 

, TN a , 2 9 a > , SLR \ 
gTupata, evi Tov tAavyTwv Kad "EAAnvas, Kav ei Zwpodotpys aitov mpo 
Tov arAavav TaTTy. 

Ibid. De Ostentis, 2 (p. 274, ed. Bonnenn.): dppodioy 82 elvat 


, “~ \ al id / 2f/ , € a 4 
vouitw Ta wept TOV ToLo'Twv ypddev eOédrovTt, Tobey TE } TOV ToLOvTwY 
/ ¥ £ \ A 
Karadyyis ps9? “yew, Kal d0%v éoxe tas adopuds, Kal Srws ext tocodToy 


248 APPENDIX V 


mporev os Kal adrovs, et Outs elmeiv, Aiyumtious imepBadetv. TovTwv 
yap 8%, ne72 Zupodorpyv Tov ToAdv, Ierootpis rots <idiKots Ta év yéver diamdé fae 
mod\Aa pev Kar aitov mapadotvar Pidlerar, ov 7a 5€ mapad(Swou rtadra, 
novos S& Tots Kal’ airdv, paddAov S€ doo Kai 7” mpos GToXaTpors emt 


TNOELOTEPOL. 
§ 33. Prokopios of Gaza 
(Flourished about a.p. 500) 


Comment. in Genesin [c. XI.] (tom. i. col. 312, ed. Migne): 
tov “Acaovp daciw ot "EAAnves etvar tov Zwpodotpyy, os TpogTw Ywpycas 
él ra dvatodiKa pépy oiKiorys yiverat Bdxtpwv.' ovros pacw esedpev 
dotpodoyiav’ mAjv ws 7% akpiPea Tov NeBpwd rod yiyavros meptéxet, 
ovtos qv 6 Kpovos* od word d€ dAAjAwY TH xpovw SueoryKace NeBpad 
re kat Zwpodorpys’ dAdo 8 Tov “Aphasdd dpacw evpynKeval THV aoTpO- 
Aoyiav. 

§ 34. Ainaias of Gaza 
(About a.p. 500) 


Theophrastus, 77: xatrou cat WAdtwv th oopare tov “Appeviov 
éé “AiSov mpos tos Lavras avdya. 6 S& Zwpodotpys mporéyet ws eorat 
more xpovos év @ TdvTwv vexpOv dvdoTacis éorat. oidey 6 @coropzros 6 
Aéyw Kal rods GANovs abros Exdidaoet. 


§ 35. Agathias Scholastikos 
(About a.p. 5386-582) 
Hist. II. 24 (col. 1381 f., ed. Migne): I[époas 8& rots viv 7a pev 


, lal , 
mporepa %n oxedov Tu dmavrTa mapeirar dueder Kai dvaTérparrat, addotous de 
/ a lal a? 
Tit Kai olov vevobevpevols XpavTat vopipots, €k TOV Zwpodotpov Tod ‘Oppac- 
fd / 
Sews SiSayydrwv KatakdyBevres. ovTos dé 6 Zwpoacrtpos” nro. Zapadns — 
> a » 

Surry yap er aitd Y erwvupia— dryvixa pev yKpacey THY apXnV Kal ToUs 

/ ” > 4 lal cal , ‘ > \ c a > ‘\ 

vopous ero, odk eveott capds dayvovar. Wépoa de airov ot viv emi 

/ 7 , e lal , c , > a x > 

‘Yordorew, ovrw 54 Te ards haar yeyovéevat, ds lav dudtyvoeiaBat Kai ovK 
> a / a ‘ ” Ny us: e ec a ¢ , 

evar pabeiv, rérepov Aapetov rari eite Kat aANos OUTOS UaHpxXev Yoraorys. 

27? > oN , » , ¢ ‘ > a > A \ \ N 

éd’ dro 8 dv Kat 7vOnoe xpove, ipyyeris adtois éxelvos Kal KaOyyenwv THS 

payikns yéyovey cyioretas, Kal adtads oi) Tas mporepas lepovyias dpeiwas, 

“ \ , > , , 4 X ‘ ‘ / \ 

Tappuyers Twas Kal trouKkidas éveOnxe ddgas. To pev yap madatov Aca Te Kat 


1 For this statement, see Epiphanios 2Vulg. Zwpdados; R. Zopdacrpos. 
of Constantia, above, § 21. 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 249 


79 , 
Kpovoy xoi tovtovs 8) dmavtas tovs tap “EAAnor Opvddovpevous eriwv 
Geods rARV ye OTe 5) adtois 7 Tpoonyopia ovy Spoiws eowlero. dAAG BRAov 
Ls Ld ? \ > 
hev tov Aia ruxov, SdvSnv te tov “Hpakdéa, kat "Avairida tiv “Adpodirny, 
4 lal Cal 
kat addws tous dAXous ExdAovy, ws tov Bypwood te TH BaBvdAoviw xat 
? a A s a > 
AOnvoxre? Kat Simdkw, Tois Ta dpxadtata tov "Acovpiwy te Kat Mydwv 
> , c la A be e ‘ X a , a 
avaypaiyapevois, lxTopyTat. viv d€ ws Ta TOAAG Tots Kadovpévors Maviyaiors 
, > / 8 , 4 , ¢ a 6 3 S ‘\ \ XN > 0 , 
Evudépovrat, cocov Sv0 Tas mpwTas wyeloOar dpxas Kal TH pev dyaOhyv Te 
cal e) > 
dpa Kat TA KdANOTA TOY GvTWY droKUATACaY, évayTins dé Kat’ dudw éxovoar 
\ .3 , > , / > a > i? \ \ A , Pe 
THY ETEpay. OVvoOpaTa TE avTals érdyovot PapPapika Kai TH oOperépa yAOTTY 
/ \ X\ SS > 06 + Ni + 8 / ? yA 1 
meTolnpeva. Tov pev yap ayaov, cite Oedy eite Syutovpydv, "Oppucddarynv 
> \ A a) , oe ¥ a , \ ay rd) , e , lal 
arokahovow, Apiudyys d€ Ovoua TO KaxioTw Kat dAcOpiv. €éoptyv Te Tacav 
lal lal aA e a lal 
peilova tTHv Tay KaxGv Aeyoevnv avaiperw éxteovow, ev 7 TOV TE épTeTOV 
a ‘\ las » fn ¢ 4 » Nae 4 7 
mAeioTa Kal Tav GAwY Lowy droga ayplia Kal épnuovduwa KatakTeivovTes, 
Tols pdyols mpocdyovow, worep és érideréwv edoeBeias. Taity yap olovrat 
a WS > 46 / 8 a 6 ) A be \ xr , 6 \ "A Bi 
TO pev dyaGo Kexapiopeva duarroveto Oat, dviav 6 kal Avpaiver Oar Tov "Apiydvyv. 
> 7 LS ~ 
yepaipovor d€ és TO pddiota Td Vdwp, ws pyde TA TPOTWTA aiTd evarovi- 
0 , »” > 0 /, 4 ‘\ A 9 ‘\ a“ ” “ 
CeoOar, pyre GAAws EriBuyyavew OTL py TOTO TE ExaTL Kal THs TOV duToY 
eripereias. 


§ 36. Scholastikos Kassianos Bassos 
(4.p. Sixth Century) 


Praef. in lib. L.: ra d&addpos trav radadv wepi re yewpylas Kal éripe- 
Aelas puT@v kal oropipwv Kal éErépwv ToAGY xpnoipwv cipnueva TrAAEEAS 
eis ev, TouTt TO BiBXrlov crvTéeKa. ovvetdextar Se ex Tov DAwpevtivov 
kat Oiwvdaviwviov kat “Avatodiov kat Bypouriov cat Atopdvous Kal Acovtivov 
kat Tapavrivov kat Anpoxpitov kai “Adptxavod rapaddéwy xat Tapdidov kal 
“ArrovAniov kai Bépwvos kai Zwpodatpov Kat Ppdvrwvos kat Waédpov Kal 
Aapnyépovtos kai Advpov kat Swriovos kal tov Kuvridiwv. 


Geoponica, 11. 18. 11: Zwpodorpys dé rA€yer, ext eviavtdv Ba pi} 
GAyetv tos 6POarpovs, Tov ev mpwtos iddvTa ext Tod guTodD penvKvias 
kddvkas, Kai tpioiv e€ aitav dmopagdpevov Ta Oupata, Kal ext Tod puTod 
Ta poda Katadurovra. 

Ibid. 13. 9. 10: Zwpodorpys dyoi, tis OpiSaxos rd o7éppa. pera oivov 
mroGey iatat Tovs TKOpTLOONKTOUS. 

Geoponica (continued): The following rubrics of “Zoroaster ” 
will sufficiently indicate the character of the lore ascribed to him, 
without the necessity of presentation of the texts of the chapters 


under them. 
1 Vulg. ’Opuioddorny. 


250 APPENDIX V 


I 7 4 Ld ar > id , / € , id e ‘ lel , 
. 7: Ore dvayKatoy éotwy cidévat, wore 7 TEAHVH yiveTaL UTEP yhv, OTE 


dé id yhv. Zwpodorpov. (31 sections, pp. 11-15, ed. Beckh.) 


I. 8: wept tis Tod Kuvds emttodAns Kal THs mpoyvdcews Tov e€ adris 
cupBavovrwv. Tov airod. (13 sections, pp. 15-17.) 


I. 10: onpetwors tdvy droredoupévwn éx THS TPwOTYS BpovTs KaP Exacrov 
eros, meta THY TOU KUVOs ertToAnV. Zwpodorpov. (13 sections, pp. 19 seq.) 


I. 12: 8wdexaernpis rod Ards, kal doa doredel mepiroAciwy Tods dudeKa 
oixous Tov Lwdiakod K’kAov. Zwpodorpov. (40 sections, pp. 21-28.) 


IL. 15: mpoyvworikey, wore cidévat, rota TOY oTELpopevwv yevnTOVTAL 
ev0ary. Zwpoacrpov. (3 sections, p. 5d.) 


V. 46: ev roiw oikw ovons THS TEARVNS Xp) TpYyav, Kal Ore Anyovons 
airis Kat troyeiov ovans Tov TpvynTov Set Totelv. Zwpoaotpov. (1 section, 


p. 164.) 


VIL. 5: wept dvoiEews riOwy, kal ti xpi) TapaprvAdrrecOat TO KalpoO TIS 
rovtwv dvoigews. Zwpoaotpov. (3 sections, pp. 190 seq.) 


VIL. 6: wept perayyopod olvov, Kat wore xpi petavtdely Tods otvovs, 

‘\ i ‘\ »” < > a > Lal / > , Ss Lal > “aA 
Kat Ort diaopay exer 6 ev TH aiTa TiOw EuBEBANEVOS oOivos. Tov avToOd. 
(11 sections, pp. 191 seq.) 

VIL. 11: Gore i275 Bpovtdv kat dorparav pn tpérecOar Tovs oivovs. 
Zwpoacrpov. (1 section, p. 195.) 


X. 83: ddpov dxaprov kaprodopeiv. Zwpodorpov. (3 sections, p. 319.) 
XIIL. 16: epi xavOapidwy. Zwpodcrpov. (4 sections, p. 403.) 


XV. 1: rept drorxdy cuprabady Kat dvtimabadv. Zwpodotpov. (85 


sections, pp. 432-456.) 


§ 37. Gregorius Turonensis 
(A.D. 538-593) 


Hist. Francor. 1. 5 (col. 164 seq., ed. Migne): Primogenitus 
uero Cham, Chus. hie fuit totius artis magicae imbuente diabolo et 
primus idololatriae adinuentor. hic primus statuunculam adoran- 
dam diaboli instigatione constituit: qui et stellas et ignem de coelo 
cadere falsa uirtute hominibus ostentebat. hie ad Persas transiit. 
hune Persae uocitauere Zoroastrem, id est uiuentem stellam. ab hoc 
etiam ignem adorare consueti, ipsum diuinitus igne consumptum ut 
deum colunt. 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 251 


§ 38. Isidorus 
(About a.p. 570-636) 


Etymol. 5. 39 (tom. iii. col. 224, ed. Migne): Thara, an. uxx, 
genuit Abraham. Zoroastes magicam reperit. 


Ibid. 8. 9 (col. 310), III. M. CLXXXIV.: Magorum primus 
Zoroastes rex Bactrianorum, quem Ninus rex Assyriorum praelio 
interfecit, de quo Aristoteles scribit quod uicies centum millia 
uersuum ab ipso condita indiciis uoluminum eius declarentur. 


' Chron. (tom. v. col. 1024, ed. Migne): Hac aetate magica ars 
in Perside a Zoroaste Bactrianorum rege reperta. a Nino rege 
occiditur. 


§ 39. Chronicon Paschale or Chron. Alexandrinum 
(Last Date a.p. 6291) 
Chron. Paschale (col. 148 seq., ed. Migne; I. p. 67, ed. 


Bonnenn.): xat reAevtd 6 Kpovos. 6 d€ Nivos émixparys yevouevos tis 
*Aaoupias ktile thy Nivevy woAw “Acorpiots, kai Baorrever tpOTos év ath 
>, \ 4 AY ss 4 X € A , \ A > € a 
éxwv THy Seuipapwy THv Kat “Péay tHv éavTovd pntépa Kal yuvatka peO Eavrod. 
> > a 9% a , > , ve , Qe. , a 
e€ avtov ovv Tov yevous eyevvy On Kat 6 Zwpoactpos* 6 aotpovopos Ilepoav 
e v2 7 / cal »” ec \ A > a“ > 2: 
6 mepiBdontos, doris peAAwY TEeAEUTaY yUXETO b7O TUPds avaAWwOHVaL oipavion, 
eiiv Tots Ilépoais Ore eay Kavon pe TO TIP, EK TOY Kalomévwv pov doTEwV 
> /, \ 4 ‘\ > > / \ , > a“ e A , 97 
émdpare kal puddéare, kal ovK éxAcier TO Bacidelov Ex THS tuov xwpas doo 
s /, ‘\ 3 X > / \ > /, \ > “4 > \ x 
xpovov vAarrere TA Ena GoTea. Kal evéauevos Tov ‘Opiwva amd mvpds 
> 4 > / \ > 4 e , \ ee > A . »” 
depiov dvyAwOyn. Kai éroinoavy ot Ilépcar xaOws elev adrots Kat éxovor 


pvddtrovres TO Aciipavov adrod TeppwhEv ews viv. 


The same story is found in almost the same words, or with no 
material addition, in the works of Iohan. Malalas (4.p. sixth century) 
(col. 84, ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 121; p. 18, ed. Bonnenn.) ; Geor- 
gios Hamartolos (d. cire. A.p. 1468), Chron. (col. 56, ed. Migne, Patro- 
log. Gr. tom. 110). See, also, Georgios Kedrenos (end of eleventh 
century A.D.), who also adds (Historiarum Compendium, 
col. 57, ed. Migne, Patrolog. Gr. tom. 121; p. 29 f., ed. Bonnenn.): 
Ta Acipava airod dia TYysAs elxov ot Ilépoot ews TévTOv KaTagpovycayTes Kat 
THs BacWcias e&érecov. 


1 But with a spurious addition to a.p. 1042; cf. Krumbacher, Geschichte 
der byzant. Literatur?, pp. 837-339). 2 P, Zopodotpns. 


252 APPENDIX V 


§ 40. Flaccus Albinus Alcuinus 
(a.p. 7385-804) 


De diuin. offic. VI. (spurious) (tom. ii. col. 1178, ed. Migne): 
Istorum enim Magorum primus Zoroastres rex exstitit, a quo originem 
feruntur traxisse. 


§ 41. Georgios Sunkellos 
(Flourished about a.p. 775-800) 


Vol. i. p. 147 f., ed. Bonnenn.: *Adegavdpos 6 ToAvicrwp éx rodde Tod 
Bve [2405] Kooptxod érovs BovreTau rad Thy peta TOV KaTaKAvopOV TOV 
Xadrdalwy Bacrrclav katapEacbat prforoyav ba cdépwv Kal vypwv Kal TdoowV 
BeBaotrevkevat Xaddatwv kat Mydov Bacir€?s 7S’ [86] ev tproprpiors Erect 
kat 009 [49], totr’ éorw ev odpos 0 [9] Kal vypos PB’ [2] Kal cdocos 

’rC ? N a > n cae e rn > val > , 

n [8], dep tives TOV exkAnoLATTLKOV Huov toTopLKaY Od KaA@s é&eAaBovTO 
médw eis érn yAtaka 5d’ [94] Kal phvas 7 [8], drep as hacw eis 7d 
1Bv50 [2499] eros KoopiKov ovvtpéexet. ard b€ TovTov Tod xpovov TaV 
7S [86] dvo0 pev Xardaiwv Baciréwy, Evnxiov Kal XwpacByrov, 7d [84] 
de trav Mydwv, Zwpoaorpyy kai tovs per aitov € [7] Xaddaiwy BacrAcis 
ciaayel, ern Kpatyoavtas HAaKa po [190], 6 avrdos TloAviotwp, odkeére dua 

/ \ / \ / ne A A > / ial c / > \ 
Odpwv Kal vypwv Kal THoowY Kal THS AoiTNS GAOyou pvOiKHs taTopias, GAG 
dv nAtakOv €rdv. Tos yap mpoyevertepous Gs Oeods 7) HytHeovs voutovTes 
Kal TOvS MET AUTOS THY TAGYHV cian yoUpEVOL TH OVTL XpOVOUS ameEipovs BEBa- 

, , ERAN s \ 4 ny (ald 2 , A 6 
orevkevat cvveypawav, aidvoy eivat Tov KOcpov dokalovres EvavTiws Tats Geo- 
mvevaTos ypadats. Tous d€ peTayeverTépous Kal Tact havepors Ou 7ALaK@Y 
2A e , \ > e a A A \ e 7 , \ \ 
erav ws Ovyntovs, Kai ody ws TH Tlavodwpw doxet Kal Erepors Troi, dua TO 
éoxatws i7d Zwpodotpov Tov yAvaKGy eviavT@v €x TOV TOD Evox eyvwopevwv 


” € a ” > a ‘ a , »” 
€xtote HAtaKois eTeow eripeTpetoOa Ta TOY Bactr€wv ETy. 


Ibid. p. 315, ed. Bonnenn.: 6re 8 dovpddvws of tov “EAAHvev 
iatopikol yeypapact rept TOY ypdvwv Kal Tov Bactré€wv To’TwY TapEeTTH 
Kedadiwv érionuos eis, ovy 6 Tvxdv, OvTw dacKwv* “"Apxouat ypadev 
ad av adXou Te euvynpovevoay Kal TA tpOTa “EAXaviKds Te 6 Ae Bros Kal 
Krnoins 6 Kyidwos, éreita “Hpodoros 6 “AXtxapvace’s. TO madaidoy THs 
*"Agias eBacidevoay “Acoivpio, Tov d€ 6 ByAov Nivos. clr éraye yeveow 
Yeptpapews Kal Zwpoaorpov payov ére vB [52] ris Nivov Bacrreias. 

(Also cited in the Chronicon, pars i., of Eusebius, tom. i. 48 f., 


ed. Aucher. Cf. Jerome’s translation of the Chronicon, tom. viil. 
col. 46, ed. Migne.) 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 253 


§ 42. Anathemas against Manicheism 
(About 835) 


Cited by Cotelerius, SS. Patrum qui temporibus apostolicis floru- 
erunt opera. Paris, 1672; notes coll. 368-376.' These ‘ Anathemas’ 
were to be recited by converts from Manicheism to Christianity. 
In this long and valuable document, Zarades (probably Zoroaster) 
and his prayers (the Avesta?) are declared accursed as being con- 
nected with the Manichean faith, Anathemas: dvaQeyarilw Zapa- 
Syv ov 6 Mavys Ocdv €Xeye mpd adrod havévta wap’ ‘Ivdots Kai Ueépoas, Kat 
yAvov daexdder* civ aitd dé Kal tas Zapadeiovs dvopalomevas edxds. . . - 
dvabeparilw tos Tov Zapddyv kal Bovday cat tov Xpiorov Kat tov Mavixatov 
Kal Tov yALov va Kat Tov avTov Elva A€yovtas. . . . davabeuarilw Tov watépa. 
Mavévros Iaréxtov ofa Wevornv Kal Tod Wevdous TatTepa, Kal THY adTOD pnTEpo. 
Kdpoccay, kai ‘Iépaxa kat “HpaxdeiSyv xat “AdOovioy rovs trouyynpatiotas 
kat eényntas TOV TovTWY ovyypappaTwv, Kal Tods AoLToUs avTOD paDyTas 
dravras, Swoivviov tov Suddoxov THs TovTOV pyvias, Qwmav Tov cvvTagdmevov 
To Kar adrov Neyouevov edayyédtov, Bovday, “Epyav, "Adav, *Ade/pavtov, 
Zapovar,” TaBpidBrov, "Ayartov, IAdptov, OAvprvov, “Apioroxptrov, Zadpaiov, 
"Ivvatov, Idamw, Bapaiav, x.t.X. 

Similarly Goarius, EixoAdyov siue Rituale Graecorum, Paris, 
1647, p. 885: édvabepariLo Kat Karabepatig~e Sapadnv Kat Bodday xat 
SkvOavdv trois pd Maviyaiwv yeyovéras. ... mpos € Tovrows dvabepna- 
iw Kat katabeuarilw abv Trois mpoyeypaypevors mac ‘Tépaxa Kxat “Hpa- 
kriSnv Kat ApOdviov rors eEyyntas Kal trouvnuarictas Tod abrod dvopou 
kal BeBidov Mavévros kal Owpav kat Zapovay cat TaBprdBrov.’ 


1 See Kessler, Mani. i. 358-865, Ber- 
lin, 1889. 

2 Zakovas Siue Zaxovas, Kessler. 

3 An important passage which serves 
to throw light on these Anathemas is 
found in Petros Sikelos (about a.p. 
1100, see Krumbacher, Geschichte der 
byzant. Literatur, p. 78), Historia 
Manicheorum, xvi. (col. 1265 seq., 
ed. Migne): — 

jv 3€ mpd TovTov [sc. Madvevros] kat 
eTepos Tis Kaklas OiddoKados TavTns, 
Zapavns ovduart, dudppwr adtod bmrap- 
xwv* paderal 5€ rovTov Tov avTixpioToU 
Maveytos yeydvac: daé5exa* Sicivvos 6 


rovTov Siddoxos* Kal Owuas 6 7d KaT 
avroy Mavxakdy evayyéAwov ourtdtas* 
Bovddas Te Kad ‘Epuas, “AdavTos kal Adh- 
bayTos, dv aréoretAey eis Oidopa KAluata 
Khpuka THs wAdyns’ e&nyntal 5& adT@ Kat 
brouvnuatioral yeydovacww ‘Iépak kal “Hpa- 
KAeldns Kal "ApOdvios* trfpxov 5& a’t@ 
kal €repor wadnral Tpels, *Aydmos 6 Thy 
‘Errddoyov ouvrdtas kal Zapovas ral TaB- 
pidBios.... macay yap avTa@v BiBdov 
@s aoeBh Siddyyara katéxovoay kal BAac- 
gnulas mdons memAnpwmevny kal macav 
edxhy Aeyouevny wap avT@y, maAdAov de 
yonrelav, 7 Kab’ judas ayia KaboAKh Kad 
amroorToAkh Exkdnola avebeudrioe. 


254 APPENDIX V 


§ 43. Georgios Hamartolos Monachos 
(Wrote about a.p. 850) 


Chronicon, I. (col. 117, ed. Migne): kat rparov Ovew Oeots XadS8atou 
Ny A ¥ , A ‘ ” \ ¢ / ‘ 
de eLetpov yor Kvmptor, Suapopotvrar yap €Ovos Ilepouxoy trapxovtes* tiv 
dé dotpovouiav ehevpyKxevar mpOto BaBvdrdvior dua “Qpwaortpor,' e& dv 
devrepor mapeAnpacw Ailyvrriot. tiv yewpetpiav €k TOU amA€TOv THS yas 
\ fol , lal , , ‘ ssp 7 , 
Kat THs Oualipecews TOY xXwWpwv TpodioaxHevTes: Kal EF ovTw ypaarTes, 
A / ‘ X\ / ‘\ , A , iol ‘ 
repo peteAaBov. tiv d€ payelay Kal yonteiav Kat dappaxeiay Mydou pev 
ededpov Kai Iepoa, diapepovor & mpds dAAyAovs* 7H Mev yap payeia eri- 
KAyols éote Saipdvwv, ayaboroay dpev mpds ayaod avarTyoiv Twos, doTeEp 
ta tov Azo\Awviov tod Tvavéws Oeomicpata b¢ ayabav yeyovacw: 4 Oe 
/ 3: __f, , > 5 , aA XN ‘ i? , Biaa\ 
yonteta éerikAXnols €oTt dalovwy KakOTOL@Y mEpL TOUS Tadous TEAOVPEVY ETL 
Kakov Tlvos avoTacw* dOev Kal yonTela KéKAnTaL do TOY yoov Kal Toy 
al / 
Opjvev t&v TEpl TOs Tapous yLvoLEvwv. 


See also under Chronicon Paschale, § 39. 


§ 44. Photios 
(Patriarch of Constantinople a.p. 875-879) 


Bibliotheca, Codd. LXXXI. (tom. iii.; col. 281, ed. Migne): 
dveyvocOn BiBdrdaptov Ocodwpov Ilept tas év UWepaoide payexys Kat 
, ¢ a > , , > ‘4 , A \ > \ 
ris y THS EvoeBelas Stadopa, ev Adyas Tpict. mporpwvel Se airors 

\ , 3) > ¢ c / 4 X\ , 
mpos MacrovBiov e& "Appevias dppdpevov, xwperioxorov 8€ tvyxavovTa. 
\ > \ lal , / / \ A lal iQ a , 
Kal é€v pev TO TPOTH Adyw TpoocTiVerat TO piapdv Tlepaoy ddypya, o Zapa- 
a“ A 
dns? eionynoaro, nro. mept Tov Zovpovap,® ov dpxnyov TavTwv cioayel, ov 
\ , Ae \ Li / Sy 97 , ‘\ c 4 5 »” > a 
kat Tvxnv Kader" Kat ore orevdwy iva TeKn TOV Oppioday, ETeKev €xelvov 
A \ lal . ~ ‘\ “A Le 9 « tA + c a \ 

Kal Tov Satavav’ Kal wept THs advrdv aipopsias. Kal awAds TO dvoce- 
\ A c / , \ / > ‘\ > , > A , 
Bés kat trépacxpov Sdypa xara A€w exOels dvacxevaler ev TH mpwTw 

/ > \ aA A ‘\ / ‘\ \ iol > cal , 
Aoyw. ev 8 Tols Aovrois Svat Adyors Ta wept THs eboeBods Srépxerar 
ristTews, ard THS KoTpoyovias apfayevos, Kal wept aiTHs THs XapLTos dpoiws 

Ne at } /, / 

Kal émitpoxadnv Sued Our. 
ovTos 6 Meddwpos 6 Mooveorias etvar Soxel. tTHv Te yap Neoropiov aipe- 
\ / > ad / / 4 al > \ \ \ 
ow, kal paduota €v TH TpiTwW AOYwW, KpaTivwv Tpocavadwrel, GAAG Kal THY 


cal c cal 
TOV apapTwA@v aToKaTagTacL TEparEveTat. 


1 Notice this contaminated form, a 2 Zacpadns ¢. 
mixture of Zoroaster and Ormazd (?). 8 Zapovdu ¢. 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 255 


§ 45. Suidas 
(Middle of Tenth Century a.p.) 
Suidas (ed. Kuster, Cambr. 1705) sub voc.: “AvriuoOévys *AGn- 


A , , , cal , 5 A mS \ 
vaios. ... ovveypae Tomous Séxa, mpOTov payikdv. adnyetrar dé zepl 
Zwpod bs payou EvupEeVTOS THV Topi dro O¢ "A eX 

wpoaaTpov TOS May peVTOS THV (av. todvro d€ twes ‘Apiororédc., 

e X (ps > , 
of 6€ ‘Podwvt avariOéacw. 


*AgtTpovopta. 9 Tov aoTpwr Siavouyn. mpOtor BaBvrAdvior tavryv éped- 
. , > aA v¢ , ee ahs , , 
pov da Zwpodorpov* weO ov Kat Qordvys* ot ereorycay TH ovpavia KiWyCEL 
TH TEpL TOUS TLKTOLEVOUS TUULPaivELY. 
Zwpodotpys. Lepcouydys. copds rapa tos év TH aoTpovouia. os 
podorpys. Tepoopdys. p ) dorpovomia. 
cal Lal > /, A 
kal mpOTos ypgato Tod Tap adTois mrodtTevomevov Gvoyatos Tov Méywv. 
éyeévero S¢ mpd tov Tpwixdv éreow gp [500]. eperae de airod epi 
/ 
dicews BiBrAta 8. epi Awy Tysiwy &. doTepooKoTiKd.  amoTrehecpa- 
, 
Tika BiBréa €. 
> 
Zwpodotpyns. “Actpovopos. ert Nivov Bacirtéws “Acovpiwv. saris 
» A 
nuéato bd updos ovpaviov TeAevTHTAL, Tapeyyvycas Tois “Acovpios THY 
A 9 
réppav avtod pvAddrrew. ovTw yap airois 7 Bacirela ovdk EexAciper did 


\ ¢ , a , Sighs in 
TaVTOS, OTEP MEXPL VV TEpVAGKTAL Tap avTOLS. 
Zwpopacdpys-. Xaddaios copos. eypae palywatiKa Kal pvorkd. 


Madyou rapa Iépoas of piddcopor kai pirddeor, dv Hpxe Zwpodorpys, 
\ ‘ aA \ \ > , A ike / 
Kal PETA TOUTOV KaTa dadoynv Qoravat Kai Aotpduirxot. 


TlvOaydpas. tra [sc. yxovoe Ivbaydpas] “ABapidos rot “YepBopéov 
kat Zapytos tov Mayov. 


§ 46. Hugo de Sancto Victore 
(Died a.p. 1141) 


Adnot. Elucidat. in Pentateuchon—in Gen. (tom. 1. col. 
49, ed. Migne): Assur autem, recedens in terram quae postea ab 
ipso dicta est Assyria, multiplicatus est usque ad regem Ninum, qui 
ab eius progenie ortus est. hic condidit ciuitatem et uicit Cham in 
bello, qui usque ad illud tempus uixerat: factus rex Bactriae Nino 
uicinus, et uocatus Zoroastes inuentor et auctor maleficae mathe- 
maticae artis; qui etiam septem liberales artes quattuordecim colum- 
nis, septem aeneis et septem lateritiis, contra utrumque diluuium in 
utilitatem posterorum praeuidens scripsit. huius libros mathema- 


256 APPENDIX V 


ticae Ninus adeptus uictoriam combussit. post haec audacior factus 
inuasit Nemroth, id est Chaldaeos, et acquisiuit Babyloniam, trans- 
ferens illuc caput imperil sui. 


§ 47. Michael Glukas 
(Flourished about a.p. 1150) 
Ann. Pars II. (col. 253, ed. Migne; p. 244, ed. Bonnenn.): pera 


X 4 > / a“ + “¢ Lig \ > 4 , , 
8 Kpévov éBacidevoe Nivos érn vB’, ds ye THv oikciav pytépa Depipapuy 
AaBov eis yuvaika, vopos éyévero Iépoas AapPBavew tas éavTov pnt épas 
e ‘ , a 
kat ddeAhds. e& od yévous eyevero Kal Zwpoacrpos 6 zeptBoyntos Mepady 
> / a >. a , 28 , \ > , A a \ 
dotpovopos, Os ele Tors Hépoats, cay Katon pe TO OYpavioy TUp— TOUTO yap 
md / > La > , \ , > / a 
nvxero — AdBere €x TOY doTEwy pov Kal PiAacceTE cis TVTTATW TIS Baot- 
lal AY oe 
Nelas tpov. 8 Sy Kai yeyovey, ev S& Tals toropiats ais expyoato Kara 
> a < 6 / , / AX 10 Le ‘ 3 , 
IovAtavod 6 Oeoroyos peéyas T'pyyopios Kat Tade pyot* THY aoTpovop.ay 
Nyovrat rpGtov eipyKévar BaBvddvior di Zwpoarrpov, devrepov Oe edeSavro 
e lal 
of Aiyvrrion* riv 8 payetav edbpov Mndor, cita Iepoa. duadeper dé paryeia 
, Nt Ee \ , oy , > 7 5 , > 6 a 
yonreias, Kal ) pev payeia émikAnois Eotiv, ws Pact, datpovwy ayalororwy 
mpos ayabod Twos ovotaciw. ‘yonTEla 8é ore Satpovwv Kakorrol@y mept Tovs 
raovs eiAdovpévov emt Kakod Twos avoTacls. ‘yoyTela dé yKOVTEY do TOY 
lo \ / cal > fal /, / 4 4 X > ‘\ , 
yoav Kat Opyvev TOV év Tois Tapols yivoMEevwv" payELa dé azo Mayovcaior, 


» a ¢ ” \ N > , \ > , ec , , 
rot Llepodv, dBev éxxe Kat THY apxyv. Mayws €yxXwpiws ot Ilepoat A€yovrat. 


§ 48. Anon. 
Theologoumena Arithmetika, p. 42 f., ed. Ast (Lips. 1817): 


an ay 
} paddov, 6 kat WvOayopixdrepov, éredi kal BaBvrwviov ot Soxiporarot Kat 
> , \ , B} / / lal 7 > \ , 
Ooravys Kat ZLwpoartpys ayeAas KUpLws Kadovot Tas daoTpliKas odaipas, 
> , 
iro. map Goov TeAelws ayovTat mwepl TO KEVTPOV pOVAL Tapa TA THMATLKA 
, 5 A 33 \ apy / } , \ ‘ , 8 /, 
peyOn* 7 ard Tod TivdETHOL TwS Kal TVVAYwWyal xpynmari€ev oypatiler Gat 
> SA a an , a year N \ ey ob a > A 
Tap avTav TOV Pvo_Kwv Aoywv, as ayeAous KaTa TA aUTA KaXovoly €y TOLS 
c A / ‘ /, be a , > 0 , > , \ . 
iepots Adyous, KATA TapEeUTTWOLY OE TOU yapL}L0. €pOappevws ayyéAous* 610 Kat 
lal , 
rovs Kal Exaotnv Tov'Twv TOV ayyeAwV eEapxovTas dotépas Kat Sdaipovas 
< , > r Wo / , ra) 9 CAN € \ \ 
Spotws ayyéAous Kal dpxayyedous mpooayopeverOar, olrep Elolv ETA TOV 


3 \ 4 > rN ‘ A > 4 Cure 8 , 
ap.O nov, WOTEe ayyé ta KATA TOVTO ETULOTATA y eB OAS. 


§ 49. Petrus Comestor 
(Died 1178) 
Hist. Schol. Lib. Genesis XXXIX. (col. 1090, ed. Migne) : 
Ninus uicit Cham, qui adhuc uiuebat, et regnabat in Bractia (sic, al. 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 257 


Thracia), et dicebatur Zoroastres inuentor magicae artis, qui et sep- 
tem liberales artes in quattuordecim columnis scripsit, septem aeneis, 
et septem lateritiis, contra utrumque iudicium [al. diluuium]. 
Ninus uero libros eius combussit. ab eisdem orta sunt idola sic. 


§ 50. Abdiae Apostolica Historia 
(Quotation of a Name Zaroés!) 


Abdiae Apostolica Historia, Lib. VI.7. Passio SS. Simonis et 
Iudae: Atque haec de Iacobo. cuius fratres maiores natu, Simon 
cognominatus Chananaeus et Iudas, qui et Thaddaeus et Zelotes, et 
ipsi apostoli Domini nostri Iesu Christi, cum per reuelationem Spiri- 
tus Sancti per fidem fuissent religionem ingressi, inuenerunt statim 
inter initia suae praedicationis duos ibi magos, Zaroen et Arfaxat, 
qui a facie Sancti Matthaei Apostoli de Aethiopia fugerunt. erat 
autem doctrina eorum praua, ita ut Deum Abraham et Deum Isaac 
et Deum Iacob blasphemantes, Deum dicerent tenebrarum, et Moysen 
dicerent maleficum fuisse, denique omnes prophetas Dei a deo 
tenebrarum missos adsererent. praeterea animam hominis partem 
Dei habere dicerent, corporis vero figmentum a Deo malo factum 
esse, et ideo ex contrariis substantiis constare, in quibus laetatur 
caro, anima contristatur, et in quibus exultat anima, corpus affligitur. 
solem et lunam deorum numero applicantes, aquam simul deitatem 
habere docebant. Dei autem Filium, Dominum nostrum I[esum 
Christum, phantasiam fuisse, nec uerum hominem, nec ex wera 
uirgine natum, nec uere tentatum, nec uere passum, nec uere sepul- 
tum, nec uere tertia die resurrexisse a mortuis adfirmabant. hac 
praedicatione polluta Persida post Zaroen et Arfaxat, magnum meruit 
inuenire doctorem, per beatos apostolos Simonem et Iudam, id est 
Dominum Iesum Christum. 


Ibid. 13: Haec et alia cum dux apud regem Xerxen disseruisset, 
excitati in zelum, qui cum rege fuerant Zaroes et Arfaxat magi, 
simul indignabundi rumores sparserunt: malignos eos homines esse, 
qui contra deos gentis contraque regnum tam astute molirentur. 
nam si wis scire rex —inquiunt — quod ea uera sunt quae dicimus, 
non prius permittemus hos loqui quam deos tuos adorauerint. tum 


1 This is cited because Zaroes (Za- Apostelgeschichten und <Apostellegen- 
péns) has been identified with Zoroas- den, Braunschweig, 1883-1890. But 
ter by Noéldeke in p. 76 of Ergdén- Gutschmid, Rhein. Mus. xix. 380 seq. 
zungsheft zu Lipsius Die apokryphen identifies Zaroes with Zarvan. 

S 


258 APPENDIX V 


dux: audetisne cum illis habere conflictum, ut si uiceritis eos, tum 
demum abiciantur? dixerunt magi: aequum est ut sicut nos adora- 
mus deos nostros, ita adorent et illi. respondit dux: hoe scilicet 
conflictus uester ostendet. ad haec iterum magi: uis uidere — 
inquiunt — potentiam nostram ut probes quia non poterunt loqui 
nobis praesentibus: iube adstare hic qui sint eloquentes in linguis, 
acutissimi in argumentis, et clamosi in uocibus. et si tunc ausi 
fuerint nobis praesentibus loqui, probabis nos esse imperitissimos. 
tune iussu regis et ducis omnes aduocati praesto facti, ita sunt a 
duce admoniti ut quanta possent constantia haberent cum his magis 
contentiones et eos a defensionum proposito, argumentorum suorum 
proposito excluderent. et cum in praesentia regis et ducis cuncto- 
rumque sublimium magi locuti essent, omnis illa aduocatio ita muta 
facta est, ut nec nutibus quod loqui non poterat indicaret. et cum 
unius fere horae transisset spatium, dixere magi ad regem: ut scias 
nos ex deorum esse numero, permittimus eos quidem loqui, sed 
ambulare non posse. quod cum fecissent, adiecerunt dicentes: ecce 
reddimus eis gressum, sed faciemus eos apertis oculis nihil uidere. 
cumque et hoe fecissent, expauit cor regis et ducis, dicentibus amicis 
eorum, non debere contemni hos magos, ne et regi et duci inferant 
debilitatem in membris. igitur hoc spectaculum a primo mane 
usque ad horam sextam dum spectatur, aduocati maerore confecti, 
ad suas reuersi sunt quique domos, nimio animi impulsu fatigati. 


Ibid. 17: Haec cum dixissent apostoli, deportati sunt ad hospitalia 
magi, qui per triduum nec cibum capere nec bibere ullo modo pote- 
rant, sed in his sola uociferatio doloribus extorta incessabilis extitit. 
postea cum iam res in eo esset ut pariter expirarent magi Zaroes et 
Arfaxat, accesserunt eos apostoli dicentes: non dignatur Deus habere 
coacta seruitia. igitur surgite sani habentes lberam facultatem 
conuertandi a malo ad bonum et exeundi a tenebris ad lumen. at 
illi permanentes in perfidia sua, sicut a facie Matthaei apostoli 
fugerunt, sic et ab his duobus apostolis fugientes, ad simulacrorum 
cultores, per totam Persidis regionem, ut apostolis inimicitias exci- 
tarent, ubique dicebant: ecce ueniunt ad uos inimici deorum nostro- 
rum, ete. 


Ibid. 20: Quippe Zaroes et Arfaxat magi facientes scelera multa 
per ciuitates Persidis, et dicentes se esse ex genere deorum, semper 
a facie apostolorum fugientes, tamdiu erant in quacunque ciuitate, 
quamdiu cognoscerent apostolos aduenire. 


—— 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 259 


Tbid. 23: Quo tempore et duo, de quibus diximus, magi Zaroes 
et Arfaxat ictu coruscationis adusti ad carbonem conuersi sunt.} 


Lib. VII. 1 de S. Matthaeo: In quam [sc. Aethiopiam] pro- 
fectus ipse, cum in ciuitate magna quae dicitur Naddauer moraretur, 
in qua rex Aeglippus sedebat, contigit ut duo magi Zaroes et 
Arfaxat simul essent, qui regem miris modis ludificabant, ut se deos 
esse remota ambiguitate crederet. et credebat eis rex omnia et 
omnis populus non solum memoratae urbis sed ex longinquis etiam 
regionibus Aethiopiae ueniebant quotidie ut adorarent eos.  faci- 
ebant enim subito hominum gressus figi, et tamdiu immobiles stare 
quamdiu ipsi uoluissent. similiter et uisus hominum et auditus a 
suo officio refrenabant. imperitabant serpentibus ut percuterent, 
quod et Marsi facere solent et ipsi incantando multos curabant. et 
ut dici uulgo solet, malignis maior reuerentia exhibetur ex timore 
quam benignis ex amore, sic et illi uenerabiles apud Aethiopes, in 
magno diu pretio fuerunt. 


Tbid. 4: Conabantur autem interea arte sua magica excitare eos 
[sc. suos duos dracones ante pedes Matthaei apostoli dormientes ] 
Zaroes et Arphaxat, et non poterant neque oculos aperire neque 
penitus commouere quidquam. 


§ 51. The So-called Zoroastrian Logia or Chaldzan Oracles 


MATIKA AOTIA 
TON AIIO TOY ZOPOAZTPOY MATON 


Introductory Note by Louis H. Gray. — Amid the luxuriant growth 
of apocryphal and prophetic literature, which sprang up in the first centuries 
of our era, no small part is ascribed to the faith of Iran. The wonderful 
eschatology of the Persian religion made a deep impression on the Hellenic 
mind at an early date, and this was to bring forth fruit in the development of 
Gnosticism and Neo-Platonism. Apparently in this way arose the so-called 
Chaldean Oracles, which bear the mark of Gnostic and Neo-Platonic mysticism 
and somewhat recall the Christian forgery of the Sibylline Oracles. 

The pseudo-Zoroastrian compositions had but a short shrift. The great 
Porphyry ruthlessly attacked them and suppressed them, and they are lost to 
us forever. Doubtless they were no better and no worse than the great majority 
of similar writings which have survived; perhaps we may even say that the 


1Js this a reminiscence of the legend of Zoroaster’s death by lightning, 
p. 124 seq. ? \ 


260 APPENDIX V 
Oneirokritikon of Astrampsuchos, a Christian forgery of about the fifth century, 
affords a type of some of these lost books. 

But in the writings of the Neo-Platonic philosophers there lay hid a mass 
of citations, termed ‘Chaldean Logia,’ or more usually, simply ‘Logia,’ or 
again, introduced by the formula: ‘ As saith one of the Gods,’ or even appear- 
ing without any introductory phrase whatsoever.! These Logia date in general 
about the end of the second century a.p., and they present to us a heterogeneous 
mass, now obscure and again bombastic, of commingled Platonic, Pythagorean, 
Stoic, Gnostic, and Persian tenets.2, I am inclined to doubt that the entire mass 
comes from a single source, although some have suggested that a certain Julian 
the Chaldean or his son, who lived in the period of the Antonines, may per- 
haps have been the author. However trivial the Logia justly appear to us, 
they received the serious attention of Iamblichos, Proklos, Simplikios, Damaskios, 
and Iohannes Ludos, while Hierokles and later Plethon wrote ‘compends of the 
Zoroastrian and Platonic Systems.’ # 

In the fifteenth century Georgios Gemistos Plethon, led on, as I venture to 
suggest, by some such allusion to Zwpodorpov Aoyia as the reference contained 
in the citation from Xanthos, preserved by Nikolaos of Damascus, boldly foisted 
upon Zoroaster the Logia which had been hitherto only ‘Chaldean.’ This 
we may term the first recension. It consists of sixty lines and was first pub- 
lished by Ludovicus Tiletanus, together with Plethon’s commentary, at Paris in 
1563.5 This text was also commented upon by Psellos as early as the eleventh 
century. Possibly we may even regard Psellos as the compiler who gathered 
the scattered fragments which go to make up this collection. 

The second recension, if we may employ so dignified a term, was made by 
Franciscus Patricius in 1591. A second edition of this appeared at Venice in 
1598. This second edition forms the basis of Stanley in his History of Phi- 
losophy, 4 ed., London, 1743, Latin translation, Leipzig, 1711, and it was the 
only one accessible to me except Stanley. On this new collection of Patricius 
the present edition is based. The object of my work here has been to secure 
as good a text as possible. My chief aid, or rather my only aid, has been the 
masterly discussion by Kroll, ‘‘ De Oraculis Chaldaicis,’’ in the seventh volume 


1See Kroll, de Oraculis Chaldaicis, 
pp. 6-9, Breslau, 1894. 

2 Kroll, pp. 66-72. 

8 Ibid. 71. 

*Tbid. passim; Aleuker Anhang 
zum Zend-Avesta, ii. Theil 1, pp. 8-9, 
16-18. Plethon’s Compend. is edited 


Gree. tom. 122. 1115-1154, including 
also Psellos’s comment. In addition 
to the books already cited, I should 
mention the valuable compendium of 
the tenets of the Oracles contained in 
the seventeenth letter of Michael 
Italikos (for this identification see 


by Migne in his Patrol. Gree. tom. 
160. 973-974. 

5 This has unfortunately been in- 
accessible to me. I have used instead 
the edition by Servatius Galleus in 
his ZiBvddAcakol Xpnouol, Amstelod. 
1639, and by Migne in his Patrol. 


Treu, Byzant. Zeitschrift, iv. 1-22) 
edited by Cramer in Anecdota Oxo- 
niensia, iii, 180-183 (Oxford, 1836), 
and for the entire subject the valuable 
discussion in Harles’s edition of Fabri- 
cius’s Bibliotheca Greca, I. 3807-815 
(Hamb. 1790). 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 261 


of the Breslauer Philologische Abhandlungen (Breslau, 1894). That his readings 
are given in the notes does not signify a rejection of them. They would gener- 
ally appear in the text if I did not desire to preserve Patricius’s text except where 
the latter is absolutely unintelligible. The motive for preserving this has been 
purely historical. The Breslau professor has practically collected the Logia 
anew, and he has learnedly discussed their sources and philosophical import. 
To him, moreover, the references to the Neo-Platonic authors cited in my foot- 
notes are mainly due. Mine has been the humbler task to reprint an obsoles- 
cent collection, with only those emendations which are absolutely necessary. I 
have made a translation of the Oracles or Logia, which I hope later to publish 
with a version of the other Greek and Latin citations found in this Appendix. 

The Oracles have never had many friends, and as a comment on them I may 
note that good old Thomas Hyde prayed that these ‘pseudoracula pessime 
conficta carmine Graeco’ might perish like others of their stamp (cf. Hist. 
Relig. vet. Pers., Pref. p. vi.). His prayer has been in great part fulfilled. In 
estimating, moreover, the general value of the Logia, we may say, in the words 
of Shakspere, that the good points in them, like Gratiano’s reasons, ‘ are as two 
grains of wheat hid in two bushels of chaff.’ 


MONA, AYA, KAI TPIAS 
Wer. Orrov TaTpiKy jLovas eore.} 
Aap. Tavan €oTl ovas Kal Ovo yevva.” 
IIpox. Aap. dvds yap rapa rHde KaOnTat, Kai voepats doTpdmret Tomats,® 


Na ES a \ , \ , g > , 
KQL TO KuBepvav TQ TAVTA, KAL TATTELY EKAOTOV OV TaxGev. 


5 Aap. TavTt yap €v KOomw AdpTrEL TpLaS HS movas apxel.4 
apxn Taons TunTEws Noe H Taku.” 
II pox. eis Tpia yap vovs elre TaTpos Téeuver Oat aravTa, 
o0 76 Oédew Karévevoe, Kai 4dn wav’ érérpnro.§ 
cis Tpia yap €lre voUs TaTpos atdiov! 
10 V@ TavTa KUBEpvav. 
Aap. kat €pdvncay év ait 7 T apETH Kal y copia, 
kal 7 ToAvppwv atpeKeta.® 
TH TOvdE pée TpLados Sé€uas Tpd THs ovVTNS, 
ov mpwTys, GAN’ ov Ta peTpetrat.? 

1Proc. in Euclid. i. def. 2 (p. 98, 6 Proc. in Parm, 1091. 6; Dam. i. 
ed. Friedlein); in Alcib. 356. 20. 253. 25; ii. 60. 28; 62. 28. 

2 Proc. in Euclid. i. def. 2 (p. 98, 7 Proc. in Time. 3138 F. vois eine, 
ed. Friedlein); Dam. ii. 29. 16, ubi # Kroll. 
legitur et apud Patric. 8 Dam. ii. 45. 10. re pro 7’, Kroll. 

3 Om. yap, Kroll. Proc. in Crat. 56. 9 ef dupoty 5) Tavde peer Tpiddos 5éua 
6; in Remp. 376. 34; Dam. ii. 177.  ampdrns | ovens ob mpdrns, GAN? od Tae 
20, etc. vonta wetperra, Dam. ii. 63. 21; 

4 Dam. i. 87. 3; ii, 87. 14. Kroll. 


5 Dam. ii, 58. 20. 


262 


15 


II pox. 


Wer. 


Wer. 


30 II pox. 


40 


APPENDIX V 


dpyais yap tptot taiode AdBors SovAevev arava." 
iepos mpOtos Spopos, ev 8 apa péecow 

H€pios, Tpitos GAXos, os év wupt THY xOova Oadzet,” 
kal myn) THYOV, Kal THYOV aracGv. 

pyTpa cvvexovoa TA TavTA.” 

évOev apdnv OpwoKer yeveots woAvroiKidov vAys. 
évOev cupdmevos tpnoTHp apyvodporo* zupds avOos, 
Kogpwv evOpwokwv KolAdpact. mavTa yap évOev 


» > \ , ryan) > 7_ 5 
apxXeTat €lS TO KATW TELVELY QAKTLVGAS ayynTas. 


TIATHP KAI NOTZ 


b3 ‘ L3 ‘ 9 3%? > ea 
€avrov 6 TaTip npTacev ovd ev En 
8 , A , ay eG 
VVapEl VOEPA KAELTUS LOLOV Tp. 
> X ‘SON a > a > , / 7 
ov yap dd raTpiKys apxns aredés Te Tpoxaet. 
mavTa yap e&ereheooe TaTHp 
Kal v@ TapédwKe SevTépa, 
¢ rn -~ a 
dv mp@rov KAnilerat wav yévos® avdpav.? 
\ / ‘ ‘ , 
matpoyeves aos TOA yap /Lovos 
éx matpos GAs Spedpevos vou avOos.” 
epya vonous yap Tarptkos vdos atroyéveOXos, 
macw eveoretpey Secpov tuptBpiO) Epwros, 
ddpa Ta TavTa pévy, Xpovoy eis arépavTov EpovTa 
s , SN ‘ A © ts “ ell 
PTE Téoy TA TaTpOs VoEPwO Vpacpeva HEyyet 
ds €v Epwrt evn KOopov oToLXEla pévovTa.” 
exe TH voely TaTpLKoY vody evdLddvat 
magals myyats TE Kat dpxats. 
/, “ a“ A a ~ a 
ort yap Tépas TOD TatpiKod Bvbod Kal ryyn TOV voEpOv. 
/ a > lal al lal 
pyde mponAOev, GAN Euevev ev TO watpixd Bvbo," 


1 Dam. ii. 217.5. AdBpois pro AdBois, 6 Psell. 58-59. 6 marhp éavrdy Hpra, 
Kroll, 
2 Dam. ii. 217. 5. év rovrois, prae- 7 Psell. 9. aat, Kroll. 
ponit Kroll. 
8 Dam. i. 242.18; 274.7; ii. 67.1, 53-54. «dAniCere, Kroll. 


etc. 


oev, comment. 


8 Alii 2@vea pro wav yévos, Psell. 


ny) TOV THY, wATpa cuvexovTa 9 Psell. 538-54. 


ra mavta, Kroll. 
4 Guvdpor pro duvdpozo, Kroll. 11 yndé pro unre, Kroll. raot, voepas, 
5 Proc. in Time. 118 C (vy. 1); theol. Patric. 

Plat. 172. 6 (vy. 2, 8a); 171. 9 (v. 3 b, 2S civ pwr méver Kdopov aroxeia 


4). 


10 Proc. in Time, 242 D. 


amodpeyaner Pro &pdnv Opgoxer, Kroll  @¢ovra, Kroll. Proc. in Time, 165 E-F. 


cum coniectura dinv. 13 Proc. in Time. 167 C. 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 


263 


i év ro adv & THY OeoOpeupova aLyn 
kal év TO GdUTH KaTa THY DeoOpenpova aLynv. 


> \ > M4 Lal > , \ ar 
ou yap €lS vAnv Tvup ETEKELVA TO TPWTOV 


Env SWvapuv KaraKdeier epyors, GAAS vow. 


1 


4 ‘ \ 4 4 ‘ / 
ovpBora yap TAaTPLKOS VOOS EOTTELPEV KATA KOT MOV 


a a > 
45 Os Ta vonTae voet Kal appacta KaAAY voetrat.” 


€ \ \ Se ws 
OAoPIs MEPLO[LOS KAL GLEPLOTOS. 


ae MOK , \ , ” 6 8 ae , 3 
Vq@ LEV KATEKXEL TA VOnTA, ALT NHOlv OE eTayel KOO HOLS. 


tal X , \ , \ S b) 4 / 
VO MeV KATEXEL TA VONTA, WuXHV O E7rAyEL KOT[OLS. 


NOYTS, NOHTA, KAI NOEPA 


50 II pox. 


\ A 
Ta PEv EOTL VOEPA Kal VONTA, Goa VOOdVTA VoEtTAL. 


‘\ be A a ‘\ 4 
Tpody O€ TH VOOUVTL TO VONTOV. 


Q A a a A 
Kat TOU Evos vou TOU vOnT Ov. 

Ce + 4 2 \ on > eee 4 
ov yap avev vOOS €OTL vornTOu ou Xpes UTAPXEL. y 


5 
6 


pdvOave Td vontov, émret voou e&w brapxeu.! 


‘\ lal ~ a XN > 4 / + 
KQL TOU VOU, OS TOV EMTUPLOV KOO [LOV ayel. 


55 yoo yap vols €or 6 Kdocpov TEXVITYS mrupiov.® 


a \ e , x \ ” an 9 
Ol TOV UTEPKOO [LOV TOT PLKOV Buov LOTE VOOVYTES. 


ec 

W vonTH Tags THHTEWS aye. 

»” Or 8 , / a , A / » 6 10 
gore b€ On TL vonTOV, 0 xp/ GE VvoEtv voov avUEL. 


X* BS > rG € XN a So , ll 
HV yap EmeyKALVyS, WS GV VOY, KAKELVO VONO)S), 


wa a > a , 
60 WS TL VOWV, OV KELVO VONTELS. 


gore yap dAkijs dudipaots Svvapis, 


a a ‘ 
yoepais oTpartovea Topatct, ov 37 Xp7) 


, A \ \ > A 
U oO 10) 
oC odpor TL VOELY TO VONTOV E€KELVO, 


GAA voov Tavaod Tava proyt” 


, , i \ \ b] A 
65 mavTa MeTpOvoH, TANV TO VONTOV EKELVO. 


xpew 53 TodTo voHTaL* nv yap éreyKAivys 


cov vodv, KaKELVO VOHTELS OVK aTEVaS, 


1 Proc. in Time. 157 A; theol. Plat. 


833. 29; Dam. ii. 186. 10. és pro eis, 
Kroll. 
2 Proc. in Crat. 23.23. Sic Kroll. 


Stanl. Lond.,* kaddAnira, sec. Patric. 
Pro KadAnetrar; Lips., kadkAwricer. 

3 Proc. in Time. 68 F, 164 C; in 
Crat. 56, 5b; Dam. ii, 1775 20; ete: 
karéxew et érdyew, Kroll. & pro 88, 
Patric. 4 Proc. in Time. 267 D. 

5 Proc. in theol. Plat. 179. 7. 
kat voepd, Kroll. 


vont 


6 Cf. Proc. in Time, 6 D. 

7 Psell. 50. mde... w vdov, com- 
ment. 

8 Proc. in Time. 157 A; theol. Plat. 
333. 29; Dam. ii. 186. 10. 

9 Dam. ii. 16.6; Proc. in Crat. 62. 9. 
Stan. gore. 


10 Pgell. 51. 5& 54, Omis. comment. 
ydép pro 8& 64, Kroll. &pxe pro tye, 
Patric. 


1 gdp pro ds dy, Kroll; eémeyrAlyn et 
vonon, Stan. 12 95é pro GAAd, Kroll. 


70 


75 


80 


85 


90 


1 andatpopov pro énicrpopor, Kroll. 


APPENDIX V 


MmieLeseNe, us aay ” 1 
aXX ayvov exriatpodov o-p0., 
lal fal , 
epovta ons Wuxns TEval KEvEoV VOOV 
> ‘ 4 ” / ‘ 4 @g 
eis TO vonTov, Oppa pabys TO vonTor, 
> at / ec / 3 
érrel €€w voov UTrapxel. 
‘ X\ A A na ‘ > ‘\ 4 
Tov O€ voEl mas vods Hedv, ov yap avev 
/ “~ Lal 
voos €atl vonTod, Kal TO voynToy od vod xwpis imapxe..* 
Tois O€ TUPOs VOEPOD VOEPOLs TpHOTHpOL aTravTa 
eixabe SovAcvovta Tatpos TeOwvidr Bovdy. 
‘\ \ fal Dre. / 3/ 4 
Kal TO VOELV, Gel TE EvELY GOKVW OTpOpadLyyt. 

, \ > N A Of , Pw / 5 
mnyas Te kal Gpxas, Ouweiv, dei TE mevety GOKVH OTpOpaALyyt. 
> X ? mA ‘ > , / 

GAA Ou’ ovvoua GELvoY akoLULATH oTpopadlyyt 

'é ~~ . 
Koopots evOpdoKov, Kpaimviy dia taTpos évirrny.” 
< NX , 4 c / ‘ 4 n 
td bv0 vowy 7 Cwoyovos rnyn TEplexXeTat Woxov. 

A cal , 

Kal 6 rolnTis, Os a’TOUpyOV TEKTYVETO TOY KOT HOV,’ 
A lal 
Os €k voov éxOope patos," 
€ / \ a 8 / »” / 9 
Eooapevos Tupt TIP, TYVOETMwWY Opa KEepagay 


s a enn \ ” 6 > , 10 
THYaLOus KpaTypas, €ou Tupos avUos €TLO XWV. 


yoepais dotpdrre Tomats, gpwros 8 everAnoe wavTa." 
Ta atvrwta Turotcbat.” 

oLHVETOW Eoikviat pPepovTat, pyyvvpevat 

KOGHOV TEpL THpact.”® 

& vods A€yer, TO voetv Symov A€ye.* 


c x \ 80 \ 2 / a By 923) 9 i 15 
qQ MEV Yap Ovvapls DVV EKELVOLS, VOUS Gaim €KELVYOU. 


ITNTES, IAEAI, APXAT 


moAXal pev aide ereuBatvovor pacivors Koopo1s,!® 
> 6 , \ > ae , ” a_V7 
evOpwoKovoat, Kai év ais akporyTes Eacly TpEts. 


9 répt rip cuvdéeomov, Kroll. 
10 Proc. in Parm. 769. 7. 


2 és pro eis, Kroll. 

8 ydov @&w, Kroll. Dam. i. 154. 16. 

4 Proc. in Time. 267 D; Dam. ii. 
16. 20; 57. 26. 

5 Proc. in Time. 242 D. eyee 7d voety 
matpixoy voov (kal vdov) éevdiddvar maoas 
mnyais Te Kal apxais kal duvety aiel re 
K.T.A., Sic recte Kroll. 

8 GAN bvoua ceuvdy Kal akoluhro, 
Kroll. évépdéoxwy, Patric. Proc. in 
Crat. 238. 20. 7 Leg. as pro ds. 

8 Secu “Epwros aynrov os ek K.T.A., 


Kroll. 


11 Proc. in Time. 219 B. 
Patric. 

12 Simplic. in Arist. Phys. 143 (p. 613, 
ed. Diels). 

13 Proc. in Time. 267 F. 

14 Psell. 1145 B. 

16 écefyw pro exelvois, Kroll. Proc. in 
theol. Platon. 365. 1; in Alcib. prim. 
392. 7. 

16 wey 5} aide, Kroll. 

17 xq) om. Kroll. Dam. ii. 88. 3. 


/ 
TH WAVTA, 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 


e 7 Piper er) SE Ai 
UTTOKELTQAL QUTALS apXlos avAwv. 


> \ e Nie a , 72 
apXas, al TAaTpOS Epya voyvoacal vonTa, 


95  aiaOnrots épyols, Kal owmacw dmrexdAvay,® 
POTS ‘ 


/ c lal , Lal \ \ a” 
SiarropO or EoTaTes Paval TH TWaTpl Kal TH vXy, 
\ Nt) a , n 3 lal 2 la 
Kal TA Euavy pinata TOV apavav é€pyalouevat. 


vovs matpos éppoiyce, vonoas axudd. Bovry 


100 appdpdous ideas. 
e€<Bopov. 


80 dv cvvdrrerat TO waTpi, GAAnV Kat GAAnv 


, Penis , > AVE 
Lonv, dd pepilomevwv oXeTOv. 


GAN euepicOynoav, voepd rupi porpnOetoat, 


105 «is GAXas voepds* Koop yap avak roAvpdoppy 


» \ , » > ‘ , 
mpovOnkev VOEpoV TUTOV apOrov, OU KATA KOOMOV 


ixvos érevyopevos poppys Kal’ & Kdcpos epavOy. 


, ane , a , 78 
TAVTOLALS LOEALS KEXaplo LEvoOsS, WV La THY)» 


e& ns poilodvTa pewepiopevat GAXaL, 


bl ec / / ‘\ , 
110 amrdartol, pyyvupeval KOT MOV TEPL TWMACLY, 


e ‘\ / , , > A 
at 7ept KoATOus opEepdadéous, TuxAvEeToL EolKvial, 


opéovrat tparovoat’ rept O dudt dAAvois GAAy,” 


évvotat voepal mnyns TaTpLKHs aro 


ToAY Sparropevat tupos avOos © 


115 dkouuyrov xpdvov. aku dpxeydvov idéas 


mpatn matpos éBdvce tacd’ abtofaAns wyy7- 


/ , 
voovpevat ivyyes maTpobev voeovar Kal avTat, 


tal 9 A 
Bovdrats abbéyxroucr Kivovpevat wore vopoat.” 


265 
Tees Ce} \ 2 a s 2 , 
Kai T apavy eis THV Epavy KoTMoTOLiay €yypaovTEs. 
mnyns © ard plas arorTacat 
matpobev yap env Bovdy te TéXos Te.* 
6 
10 rovad | Spertduevat, Kroll sec. 


1 Dam. ii. 88.7. saoxékArtat, Kroll. 
Alii avAwy (cf. Simplic. in Arist. Phys. 
145, p. 623, ed. Diels). 

27a vontd, Kroll. [ Kroll. 

3 Dam. ii. 200. 23. aupexdaviar, 

4 6¢ was, Kroll; mids &ro aca, con- 
iecit Schneck apud Kroll. Proc. in 
Parm. 800. 11. 

5 Om. has lineas duas Kroll. 

8 of Kar’ &kocuov PLO ov Kata Kéopor, 
Kroll. 7 wéra pro xaé’ &, Kroll. 

8 Kexap.juevos Pro Kexapiouevos, Kroll. 

9% otpdrroveat PYO tparodca, Kroll 
sec. Thilo. epi 7 dudt mapacxeddy 
&AAvéis, Kroll, 


Thilo. 

1 aku | apxeydvous, Kroll. 

12 Psell. 55-56, in comment. ai tuvyyes 
vootwevar matpdbev. apbeyros, Kroll. 
Bovrdy ap0éyrwy, comment. per has 
wyyas (cf. Kroll, p. 41) a Laevio frag. 
10 ed. Miiller, Lips. 1892 inter ‘omnia 
philtra’ laudatas, conatur Pater ani- 
mam humanam reducere. haud aliter 
apud Theocritum Idyl. ii. incantat 
pharmaceutria : 


luyé, €Ake TY Tivov eudy mort Saya Toy 
&vSpoyv. 


266 APPENDIX V 


EKATH, ZSYNOXEIZ, KAI TEAETAPXATI 


> > a ‘ / > a 1 
ef auTov yap TTAVTES €xOpaoxovet. 


120 deiAuKtot Te KEpavvol Kal mpnoTnpoddxot KOATrOL 


mappeyyeos aks tatpoyevors “Exarys,” 


A ce \ ‘\ 4 Qr \ 
Kal trelwKos mupos avOos 75€ Kpatatov 


Lal , , 
TVEUULA TOAWY, TUpLWV E7TEKELVA.. 


3 


poupeiv ad mpnoTHpat ois akporytas edwxer, 


125 éyKepdoas GAKis tdvoy péevos év cvvoxedow.* 


a lal / \ lol A 
© TOS EXEL KOTLOS VOEPO’S avOXTAs dxap.rets.” 


i > lA 7 > / > \ 4 
OTL Epyartis, OTL exdotis eal mupds Cunpopov, 


4 \ \ / Lal “A e 0, / 
oTt Kal TO Cwoyovoy rAnpot THS Exarns Kodrov, 


\ tf A A“ Lal 5 ‘\ , \ 
Kal €mlippet Tols cvvoyevowy aiknv Ceidwpov updos 


130 péya dvvapevo.o.® 


lal cal , 
GANA Kal ppovpol Tdv épywv eat rod watpos.! 


> tal ‘ Ave 4 > A > / 
APoOOLOL Yap Kal EAUTOV, EKELVOS ETELYOMEVOS 


tov Tirov repiBdrrAcoOut TOY cidwHrAwY.* 


c > , , a a 9 
ou wev TeAETAPXal TUVELANTTAL TOLS TVVOXEVCL. 


135 rots d€ 7upds VvoEpOD VoEpOis TPHTTHpaLY 


amavra eikabe dovAevovTa. 


aGAAG Kat tAalots Goa SovAcvEL ovvoxedour.' 


10 
1 


Exoapévov révrevxov GAKyv pwrds KeAadovTos ¥ 


addy tpryAixw voov Wuxnv 8 brAicavra.* 


140 ravtoiados otvOnpa Barre pevi,"* 


pnd emipourav éurupiows orropdadyy Oxerois, 


GAAG ort Bapydov. 


ec XN SS + ‘\ > x Les 
Ou de TA ATOMLA KAL aicOnra Sypovpyovot, 


AY an A , > 7 
Kal TwparToeLon Kal KaTaTeTaypEva €is UANV. 


1 rode 5€ exOpwoKovow auelAuKTol Te 
x.7.A., Kroll. 

2 giyhs pro adkfs, Kroll. Hecaten, 
quae a Proclo Hymn. vi. 1 @edv wijrep 
appellatur, una cum Rhea a Platonicis 
confusam esse demonstrat Kroll, pp. 
27-31 (cf. p. 69). 

3 Proc. in Crat. 638.4; 85. 22; Dam. 
li. 89. 31; 183. 3. 

4 Dam. ii. 125. 22. 

5 Psell. 57, mas (yap) pro ® Tas, 
Kroll. #, omis. comment. 


6 Proc. in Time. 128 B. 

7 Proc. in Theol. Plat. 205. 

8 Proc. in Time. 103 E-F. 

9 Dam. de princip. 234. 

10 Dam. ii. 87. 21. 

11 Dam. ii. 87. 21. 

12 Dam. i. 155.11. écoduevov, axuhy, 
Kroll. 

18 Dam. i1.254.1; ii. 62. 29; 95. 28. 
TpryAdxuve pro tpryAlx@, Kroll. 

14 way tpiddos pro mayrolados, Kroll. 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 


150 


160 


165 


WYXH, &TZI>z 


¢ NACL 5 , \ > Ldap b 
oTTe Wyn Tp Svvdyer TaTpos ovaa patvov, 
> 4, / 4 ‘\ a Le > \ 
dOdvatos Te pever kat Cans Seororis €oriv 
kat icxer Kdopov OANA TANpwmata KOATOV.” 
a \ 4 , X be be ” , 3 
vod yap piunua Tere, TO OE TEXUEv EXEL TL TWMATOS. 

le Ye > cal A > 60 »” lal 4 

puyvopevov & dxeT@v, wupos apOirou epya TeAovea. 
\ X ‘\ 4 , > , 4 a 
pera. On maTpiKas Stavoias Wuxy, eyo, vaiw 
, a \ , 5 t X 

Oepun, Wuxotoa Ta TavTa.” Karébero yap 

cal ‘\ a2 X\ a ‘ te ENS , > a 
yoov pev evi Woyn, Woxnv & evi Topart dpye 
¢€ / > ‘4 \ > } a 6 lal 6 
nuewv eyKaTeOnke waTnp avopwv TE Gewy TE. 
+ 6 2 a f. A ibe 4 if 
aponv eupvxovca paos, Tip, aifepa, Koopovs. 

/ \ XN \, 7 A a / 
cuwvupiotatat yap Ta PvoeiKa Epya TO voepw Heyyel 
Tov Tatpos.® Wuyi) yap 7 KOTWHTACG TOV WEeyaV 

a cal , 

ovpavov Kal Koopovca PETA TOU TATpOS. 

/ be ‘ tees) > , + 9 
Kepara. O€ Kal AUTHS ETTHPLKTAL av. 

> aA 

voto 8 dui Oeas vous drderos nwpyta..” 
4 > i , > if, , \ oy 
dpxet 8 ad vows akapaTy KOTPwY TE Kal Epywy, 

> Ne) , s 27 , : 
otpavos ddpa Oey Spopov aidioy Katacvpwv 

\ \ Ss \ s 4 2 7 11 
Kal Taxvs HEALos TEpt KevTpoV, Brus EOds EAOp. 


py dicews euBrepys eiwappevov ovvoua Thode.” 


KOZMO= 


€ Ale > a s x , 13 
O TOLYTYS GS AUTOVPYWV rexraiverOat TOV KOO}LOV. 


Nie Sy .. » »” ° Ses Se , 14 
Kal yap Tls Tupds OyKOS Env ETEPOS* Ta OE TAVTA 
abroupyav, iva cpa TO KoopLKov exToAuTEvOy, 

, y> »* \ N , > ¢ , 
kéopos ty &kdyXos, Kat py patvy? dpevwdys. 

\ 9 , 2 \ \ 9 \ a 15 
tov 6Aov KOopoV ek TUpOS Kal VdaTOs Kal ys 

. , ” 16 
Kal mavTotpodov aidpys. 


1 Psell. 22-24. Sri Wux} mip otca 9 Alii legunt kpdrn. 


gaewdy Suvduer matpds, Comment. 


2 xe pro Yoxe:, comment. 5; in Remp. 22. 17. 


3 Proc. in Time. 87 E. vod pev yap, 


Kroll. 


4 Proc. in Remp. 399. 33. 


267 


10 Proc. in Time. 4 D; in Parm. 821. 


11 Proc. in Time. 4 D, cf. 323 B; 


Dam. ii. 157. 15. yap pro 8 ad, Kroll. 


5 Proc, in Time. 124 D. depuy, Kroll. 155. 26; 164. 7; in Time. 322 D. 


12 Proc, theol. Plat. 317. 29; de prov. 


6 Sfioas pro juéwy, Kroll. Proc. in 13 leo, &s pro ds TextHvaTO, Stan. 
Time. 124 D. 14 ¢d5¢ pro ra de, Kroll. om.ydp, Patric. 
7 Simplic. 148 (p. 613, ed. Diels). 15 é€t fdaros, Kroll. 


8 Proc. in Time. 106 A, C. 16 Proc. in Time. 154 E. 


268 APPENDIX V 


7. ‘\ ‘\ « ‘ / “~ , 
170 T GppyTa Kal Ta pyTa. owOnpata TOD KOTMOV. 
> , lal 
dAAnv kat’ GAAnv Cwiy ard peptLopevwv OxeTOv. 
»” , tae ‘\ 2 ne, 
dvabev SupKovtos éri TO Kar aVTLKpU 

XN “~ / lal ~ AY / / »” 
dua TOU KEVTpOU THS yNs Kal 7éumTov pecov, GAAov 
mupHoxov, éva KarTELot p.Expl VAGLwv OXETOV, 

~ 4 A 
175 Lwnddptov wip.' 

/ > La \ ‘\ 10 2 

KEVTpw eTLOTEpXWY TavTOV PwTos KEAGOOVTOS. 
ta) » a \ 2 , / 4 3 
mnyatov aAXov, Os TOV EuTUpLOV KOOMOV ayEl. 

, Ti! ey ars , » > ¥ 4 
KeVTpov ad Ov TaTaL MEXpLS aVTVYOS toa EaoLV. 
ovpBora yap taTpiKds vdos EoTElpe KATA KOT MOV. 

, a , c / i A 5 

180 pécov TOY TaTEpwv ExdoTHS KEVTpOV popeEtTat. 


yoo yap biunua wéeAer* TO Oe TExGev exer TL TWpaTO 
yap puny xBev ex paros. 


OYTPANOZ 


c ‘ ‘ > te ‘ , / 6 
Exta yap ebykwoe TATIpP TTEPEMPATA KOTHLWYV. 
TOV OUpaVvoY KUPTO TXYMaTL TEplKA€ioas, 
ange d€ ToAW Omtrov aoTépwv arAavar,' 
185 Ldwv S& rAavopevev bpeoryKev Exrada.® 
cal 2'! 48. , A LZ \ 4 / 
ynv & ev pécw Tels, Vdwp 8 €v yatas KoArots, 
a»/ 3). , 
nepa 8 avwbey TovTwv. 
an , lal 
ange Sé Kat ToAdv Gptrov dotépwv ardavav,” 
py) TAL ELTOVH TOVNpG- 
190 mj&eu de rrAdvnv ork exovon Peper Oar, 
éxnée d¢ Kal ToAdW Gutrov aoTépwv ardavav 
TO Top Tpos TO TIP EvayKacas, 
anéer tAdvyv OvK exovon pepe Oar. 
a ¢ 
& airods iméatnoev, EBdomov nediov” 
195 peceuBodrAjoas Tip, 
Xe, 2 A > , > , , 
TO GTaKTOV avTOV EvTAKTOLS avaKpEe“acas Cwvats. 
, SS € Ww LY te , / N X a 
tikte yap 7 Ged HEdtov Te péyav Kal Aapmpav oEAnVHV. 
iO , nA A r , Ee > , 
aiOyp, nALE, tvetpua TEAHVNS, NEPOS aYOL, 


ec Cal nw 
qAvakOv Te KUKAWY, Kal pyVvatwv KavAXLoLOV 


1 Proc. in Time. 172 C. (wipopor, 6 Simplic. in Arist. Phys. 144 (p. 616, 
Patric. ed. Diels). 
2 Proc. in Time. 236 D. éavrdy, Stan. 7 xnyviva, Kroll. 
3 Proc. in Time. 8 Cévwv... bpiotdvew, Kroll. Proc. 
4Proc. in Euclid. i. def. 15-16 (p. in Time. 97 A. 
155, ed. Friedlein). (Patric. av rvxédv.) 9 Proc. in Time. 280 B, ubi tamen 


5 Dam. ii. 164. 18. péooov, ‘Exdrns,  xpwmevwr pro pépecOa legitur. 
mepophoba, Kroll. 10 Proc. in Time. 280 B. 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 269 


200 KOATwy TE HEpiwv. 
»” , > , \ , > lal + a7 1 
atOpys médos, Hediov Te Kal pyvys dxerav, 7 Te Epos 
\ ‘\ a7 as 5 , WL SEN / 3 , 2 
Kat wharvs dip, unvatos re Spdpos, Kal del rAos HeACoLO. 
avd yet adTd aw Bavovea alPpys .éos,° 
neAlov Te ceArvys TE Kal doa HEpL ovvéxovTat. 
205 ip zrupos eoxérevua. Kal updos Tapcas.! 
Xatrar yap €s 6b repuxdre puri Brérovrare 
€v0a Kpovos, 
a7 , 2 , , ec , 6 
Hedtos mapedpos erirKoréwv TOAov cyvov. 
> , / 6 \ , + c ‘\ 
aiB€pids Te Spopos Kal pnvns darderos opyn 
210 eptoc Te poai.” 
SF / , \ ‘ 7, 
nEdLoy TE peyav Kat Napmpav oeAjvyv. 


XPONOZ 


/ , 
Oedv €yKoopnov, aidviov, drépavrov, 
, \ , c a 
veov Kal mpeaBuTnv, EALKOELOn. 


a Ay ie 
Kal myyatov GAXov, Os Tov euripiov Kdo Lov aye. 


WYXH, ZQMA, ANOPOIIOS 


, 4 A \ / ‘\ \ \ x eee, 
215 xpy oe orevdev Tpos TO Pdos Kal Tpos TaTpos avyas 
evOev éréuhOn cou Wrxiy rodtv egoapevn voov.® 

a \ een \ 8 rhe ET pe 9 
Tavta Tarnp evonoe, Bpotos 8 ot epiywro. 

4 X \ / NS A A 10 
ovpPora yap rarpiKds vdos evéoretpe Tals Wuxats, 
eépwrt Babe? dvarrAycas THY Woyyv. 

220 KaréBero yap votv ev Wuyy, év cépare de 
tpeas eyKatreOnke Tatinp dvopav re Gedy Te. 
dodpata pév éort Ta Octo. ravta, 

4 oe > E) A ¢ lal 7 > } ‘6 ll 
TwHpaTa O Ev avTOLS Uudv evekev EvdedETaL 


pa Svvapevov Katacxety dowpdrovs Tov copdrov,? 


1 uépos heAtov re (an wévos?), Kroll. 7 Proc. ap. Simpl. 614. 2. 
75 pro # re, Kroll. 8 Psell. 13-14. 

2 GelmoAos pro del rédos, Kroll. Proc. ® Proc. in Time. 336 A. 6€ oi, 
in Time. 257 E. Kroll. 

8 Proc. in Time. 311 A. audrdye, 10 Psell. 49 comment. omis. yap et 
AauBdvovcay, uépos, Kroll. tais, et legit gomerpe. 

# Proc. in Time. 141 F. 11 §¢ pro & év, Kroll. 

5 Proc. in Remp. 387. 43. uéy post 12 wetacxeiv, dowudrws Tov dcwudrwy, 


Xatrat, inserit Kroll et legit reppucdru. Kroll. 
6 Proc. in Time. 279 F. jealous, 
Kroll. 


270 


a) 
225 Sia THY TwpariKyy eis Vv evexevTpicOnTe prow. 


APPENDIX V 


1 


> IS lal a ‘\ 7 3 / 
ev d¢ Oew Keivrar tupmous EXKOVOAL AK[LALOUS 


> s , 232 ® N , 9 
éx watpodev Katiovtes, ap wv Wux7) KaTLOVTOY 


> , , lal , ” 
ELLTUPLOV dpéretar KapTov, YuxoTpopov avOos. 


dd Kal vonoagat Ta épya TOD TaTpOS 


230 oipys eipmappevns TO TTEpov pevyovoly dvaides.” 


Xv x , Ny \ io > cal 
kav yap THVOE WuxXNV LONS aTOKATATTATAY, 


GAN GAAnv évinor raTip evapiOp.ov <ivat. 


Ss / Py tal , /, We s 
7) pada, 01) KELVAL YE PAKAPTATAL ECOXA TATEWV 


4 


, \ a sis! os , s 
Wvxawr, TOTL YALAV aT ovpavobev T pOXEOVTat. 


235 Kelvat OABual Te Kal od para vypaTa éxovcat.” 


o > > 5 , »” /, xX be \ > “~ 
oooa ar atyAyEvTos, avak, ev, 7) O€ Kal GUTOU 


> \ > , , fy TUR A 6 
€K Atos efeyevovTo PLTOU KpaTepys UT AVAYKNS- 


FyeloOw Wxjs Babos auBporov, oppara d apdyv 


, 2 , 4 7 
TOAVTGA E€KTTETATOV AVW. 


s / , > \ , , 8 
240 pyTE KATW VEevoNS ELS TOV perXavavyen KOO }LOV, 


a , 7 
© Bods aiév dmirtos iréotpwral TE Kal Avdns ® 


dudikvedys, puTdwv, cidwAoxapys, avOyTOS, 


Kpnpvodns, TKoALOS, Twpov BdBos atev EXoowr,” 


N , > \ , > , ” 1 
del vuhevwv aaves déuas, apyov, arvevjLov. 


1 


245 Kal 6 puoodaris Kocpos Kal TA TKOALA PetOpa 


Se 
bd ov ToAAOL KaTac’povTat. 


, BS 13 
Cytncov Tapadeoov. 


12 


Sileo ob Wuxis dxerov, ev H Tie TAECL " 


copate Onrevoas, ext Takw ad’ ns €ppvys ‘i 


ce ra , 6 
250 adbis dvarrycets, iepd Adyw épyov Evsoas."” 


/, na , 
pate KaTw vevons, KpnLVOS KATA 7S brroxertau,” 


c , , A , a 7 1 
ETTATOPOV TUPWV KATA Babpidos * av uTrO 


1 Proc. in Remp. 359. 25 B. 

2 waridvras, Kroll. 

8 Proc. in Time. 321 A. 

4 rac@v, Kroll. 

5 UrBioral, vnuar, Kroll. 

6 Synes. de insomn. 151 C. 

7 Psell. 37-38. oiyvicOw, Kroll, du- 
nara d€ mavta | &pdnv, comment. 

8 undt pro ujte, Kroll. 

9 Sic Dam. Synes., &moppos tréorpa- 
rat kal ae.d7s. 

10 rnpdv, Kroll. 

11 Pam. ii. 317 (Synes. de insomn. 
138 C). 


8 


12 Proc. in Time. 339 B. 
of moAAol, Kroll. 

13 Psell, 25. 

14 [kal] pro ot, comment. 
Woxjs, Kroll. 

15 ad js eppdns, OM. comment. et 
Kroll, qui legit @ntevcac’ et coni. dreBn 
kal as. 

16 7@s pro aids, Comment. 
1-6. 

17 wh [Se] pro mire, comment. By 
(dt), Kroll. 

18 op hy 6 THs | avdyens, comment. et 
Kroll. Psell. 4-6. 


Micopans, 


diCnac 


Psell. 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 


271 


Sewvs dvayKyns Opovos éoriv, 
py ov y avgave THY eiwappevny.* 
255 Woy ® peporrov Ocov ayer THs eis EavTHV.” 


ovdev Ovynrov éxovca, dAn Oecbev penéOvora.? 


€ , > A x Ce ES , a , 4 
dppoviay adxel yap bp 7 weA€ THpa Bporetov. 


> te , a ” See? > , 
EKTELVAS TUpLOV VOUV EpyOV €7r evoe Bins, 


e ‘\ XN an , 5 
PEVOTOV KAL THOUA TAWCELS. 


ey] \ 997 \ > , 9 , 6 
260 ott kat clOWArAw pepis eis TOTOV audipaovTa. 


4 0 > r , a \ ey? a 
mavTolev arAactw Wyn Tupos yvia TELVOV. 


7 


b3 \ W / wy / 
6 wupiadmys EVVOLA TPWTLOTHV EXEL Tagw. 


TO Tupi yap Bpords éurreAdoas Oeobev paos efe.® 


dnOivovTe ya OT Kpalrvo. waKapes TeACOovoL.? 
0 yap Bpord xpuurvol paKap 


‘ 
265 at motval peporwv ayKTerpat ” 


Kal Ta KaKys VAns BAraoTHaTa xpyoTa Kal eoOAd. 


Aris Tpederw oe TupHoXos ayyEALKG Evi Xapo." 


5 > > . , , \ [2 \ A 
GAN odk ciodéxerat Keivns TO OeXELv TaTpLKOS VOUS 
U) ’ 


pexps dv e€AOn AYOns Kal pnua AoAYop. 
270 pvijpnv evOcpévyn rarpiKod ovvOjparos ayvod.” 


trois 8¢ Sidaxrov pdovs Cdwxe yvdpiopa AaPEeoOar. 


rovs 8& irvdovtas Eqs évexdpmicey GAKis.” 


pay rvedua portyys, wyde Babdvys Td éimedov."* 


pydt To THs UAgs oK’Badov Kpnuve Katadeipys.” 


275 py e&a&ys, va pn e€tovoa €xXy 71.1 


fA 7 A / \ , 
Bin ote oGpa AurovTwv Woxat kaSapworarat. 


a e& a Cea A vA SED 
wWuxns ECWOTNPES, QVQ7TVOOL, EVAUTOL ELOLY. 


VW 
18 


Aaujo” ev Aayoow “Exarys aperHs TEAC THYN ag 


1Psell. 8. cuvavéqnons, comment. 


2 Comment. omis. 7 et ras. avTny, 
Kroll. 

3 @cd0ev, Om. comment. 

4 Psell. 19-21. 

5 Psell. 30-81. edoeBias, Kroll ; 
mupivov, Stanl. 

6 Psell. 27. 

7 Psell. 45. 


8 Proc. in Time. 65 B (ubi legitur 
Thy wupiarmh evvorav mpwriatny Exew 
Taku). 

9 Proc. in Time. 65 D. Omis. yap, 
Kroll. 

10 Psell. 36. 


11 Olymp. in Pheed. 31. 21; 34.3. 

12 Psell. 10-12. Omis. comment. 7d 
OeAew. 

13 Synes. de insomn.135 A. didanrdby 
Zdwke pdovs, Kroll. kal post 6é, inser. 


Kroll. 
14 Psell. 26. rovmiredov, Kroll. 
15 Pgell. 28. ob5é karadrelers, Kroll. 


16 Pgell. 29; cf. Plotinus Enneades, 
i.9. In comment. ée&iy €xoved 7. 

17 Psell, 1141 B. kardpato, coniec. 
Kroll. 

18 Psell. 16. 
Kroll. 

19 Aas év Aaydow Koirns, Psell. 


avdmvoes, comment. et 


272 


” a , ‘\ / > tal 
évSov 6An pipvovaa, TO rapOevov ov mpoteioa. 


APPENDIX V 


1 


280° & ToApypotaryns picews avOpwre Téxvac pa,” 


pi Ta TEAwpLA peTpa yains bro anv ppeva Badrov, 


od yap dAnbeins purov evi xOovi.’ 


, , , > 4 , , 4 
PATE PETPEL ETpA NEALOV Kavovas ovvabpoicas, 


Gudio Bovdy pépetat odx eveca. velo.” 


285 pnvatov re Spounua Kal dorépioy tporopHevpa.° 


, en ” > \ , »” Se, 
pyvyns potloy eacov, del TPEXEL Epyw avayKys 


> , , / , > > , 7 
aoTEeplov mporropeupa, oebev Xaplv OUK eAoxevn. 


aidépios épviOwv tapaos tAaTvs ovror’ aAyOijs. 


> 6 a , rds aN 20% , 8 
ov Ovovav o7Aayxvov TE TOMAL* TAO AVUppaTa TAVTO, 


290 éusopiis axdrns oryplypata* pedye ov Tatra 


perArAwv edoeBins icpov mapadetoov avolyey, 


+ ee) \ ’ \ > / / 
év0 apeTy copia TE KAL EVVOMLA OvvayovTal. 


\ ss 3 tal es) \ > / 
adv yap ayyetov Ojpes xXPovos oikyKovowy. 


9 


10 


aN SN \ 5 , > D , ll 
QUTOUS de xXOov KATOOUPETAL ES TEKVA beEXpts- 


AAIMONES, TEAETAI 


295 4 dios rede clvat Tovs Oaipovas ayvous, 


Kat Ta KaKs VAns BAaoTHpaTa xpnoTa Kal éoOda.” 


GANG Tadra ev 4Barors oAKoLs diavoias dveAtTTH. 


a 4 S Sa Ie. ay a 13 
Tvup UkeAov oKLpTNOOV €7 Epos oid La TLTGLVOV, 


xX \ A > 4 60 \ 6 , 
n KQL Tup QaTUTWTOV OUEV pwvnv T po €OUVOEaYV, 


300 7) das rAovatov duduyejy, potatov, €diyBev *™ 


dAAG Kat irmov idetv Pwtos tAov aoTpaTToVTA, 


A \ to a , > , Y 
1 KGL TOLOO TEOLS VWTOLS €TOKXOU[LEVOV LTTTTOV, 


» a x 
eurvpov 7) XPYTo TeTvKATLEVOV 7) mraNiyupvov 


lyévovoa et mapdévov, comment. 
Psell. 17-18. 
2 Psell. 39. roAunpas ex, comment, 


3 éy pro év}, Kroll. 

4 undt pro phte, Psell. et Kroll; 
mérpov, Kroll. 

5 marpos post Péperat, Psell. et Kroll. 
gov, Kroll. Psell. 1128 B, C. 

6 Proc. in Time. 277 D. mpordpevua, 
Kroll et Psell. 

7 Proc. in Time. 277 D, et Psell. 
1128 B, C. mpordpevua, Kroll et Psell. 

8 Srouat, Patric. ; s0oua, Stanleius. 


15 


16 


9 Psell. 1128 B. C. 

10 Psell. 7. Comment. omis. yap. 

ll Psell. 15. del rovdode...a & Tovade, 
Kroll. carwpvera, comment. Kkardpixrat, 
Patric. 

12 Psell. 34-35. In comment. inserit 
mioteve Post melden. 

18 Proc. in Remp. 380. 5. 

M4 gugipaes, Stan. Lips. 
Kroll. 

16 Melius Kroll, @o07%s pro reots. 

16 dA yuuvdv, Kroll. 


dup) yuny, 


CLASSICAL PASSAGES MENTIONING ZOROASTER’S NAME 


273 


XN \ , NEE a“ Press , 1 
1) KOL ToSevovTa KQL EOTWTQA ETL VWTOLS. 


305 moAAakls Vv A€Ens pot, GOpjoes wav7 dxAvovra *? 


4 ‘ > / 5 \ / / + 3 
OUTE Yap OVPaVLOS KYOpOS TOTE aivEeTat OyKOs. 


> , > , \ , nr , 
dorepes ov Adurovat, TO wHVYS POs KEKaAUTTEL, 


Owv ovy € é ( i iss 
x xX coTnKkev, PAErETAL TE TAVTA KEpavvois. 


pH pioews Kadeons avrorrov ayaApa,” 


310 ov yap Xpy) Keivous ce BA€rew piv cHpa TeACoOH. 


OTe Tas Wuxas Oedyovres del TOY TeAETOY arayovow. 


6 


> > + ‘ , , , , 
€K ry apa KoATMV yarns Opwokover xPovot KUVES, 


» > rn a 
ovrot aAnbés cHua Bpore avdpi daxvivres.’ 


/ c 
evepyet Tept TOV Exatixov otpodadov.® 


315 dvouata BdépBapa pymor a\ddéns,? 


IN ‘\ 3 / 2 ‘e 4, /, 
€iot yap dvopara Tap ExacTos Oedcdora 


, > a » ” 
dvvauuy év TeAcTals appyTov €xovTa. 


qvixa BrEYns popPas atep evtepov zp 
Aapropevoy oKipTndov GAov Kata BevOea Kdcpov, 


320 KAVA updos huvyv. 


qvixa Saipova 8 épxopevov mpocyeiov abpyons, 


Ove AMOov prviCovpw éravddv.4 


Spaw / ‘\ cx > cal 12 
€lOl TWAVTA TUPOS EVOS EKYEVAWTA. 


ratip ov PoBov évOpacke, reOw  emryever.8 


1 égrndr’, Kroll. 

2mrdvta EeovtTa PYO mavTn AexTov, 
comment. mdyvtn Aextdv, Psell. Nos 
sec. Kroll. 

3 xuprds pro xkvdpbs, comment. et 
Kroll, 

4 Psell.40-44. paéyera, melius Kroll. 

5 Psell. 1136 C. 

6 Proc. in Alc. 340. 6. 
Kroll. 

7 Psell. 32-83. ot7, comment. Om. 
avdp! in comment. Alii, é« 8 apa Kdr- 
mov yalns Opdcxova’, ovmoT adnbes | ofua 


TeAEo ONS, 


Bpore avip) xOdvi01 dves Seuvdyres. 
8 Psell. 1133 A. 
9 Psell. 1182 C. 
10 (6é), Kroll. Psell. 46-48. 
11 Psell. 1148 B. 
JN 


pvobfipi érddwy, 


Kroll. sub voce pyrlgoupey suspicor 
forsan corruptionem part. pass. arab. 


yglaie (manzur) de verbo fy; 


(nazar) ‘videre’ sublatere. si hoc 
recte se habet, de sententia confer 
Geoponica xv. 1. 8: 6 AvKos mpoopdy 
Tov d&vOpwrov aabevécrepoy avrov Kal 
. 6pbels dé mpdbrepos 6 
NUKos adTOs dobevérTeEpos yiverat. Verba 
ex linguis orientalibus in incantamen- 
tis huiusmodi frequentissime usurpari 
docet Heim in Annal. Philol. Suppl. 
DID (1892) p. 528, qui etiam exem- 
pla multa "Edeclwy ypayupdtrwy profert 
pp. 529-642. 

12 Psell. 52. 

18 Psell. 60. 


G&pwvov moet. . 


APPENDIX VI 


ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN VARIOUS OTHER 
OLDER LITERATURES 


. ARMENIAN ALLUSIONS. 

CHINESE ALLUSIONS. 

Syriac, ARABIC, AND OTHER MOHAMMEDAN OR PERSIAN REFERENCES. 
IcrELANDIC ALLUSION. 


go to 


I 
Allusions to Zoroaster in Armenian Literature 


Tue references to Zoroaster in Armenian literature, so far as I 
know, are few, but other scholars may be able to add to the list. 
Those allusions easiest to be found are in Langlois, Collection des 
Historiens anciens et modernes de lV Arménie, 2 vols., Paris, 1867— 
1869; see tome i. pp. 28, 29; 11. pp. 59, 69, 189, 191, n., 230 (877), 
381. These references are used here in part. 

(a) The So-called Armenian History of Khorene. 
— The chapters of the so-called Armenian history of Moses of 
Khorene which refer to Zoroaster give the same or a similar record 
as Cephalion and others? in associating his name with Semiramis. 
Zoroaster is a Magian and religious chief of the Medes. Semiramis 
gives into his charge the government of Assyria and Nineveh, and 
entrusts to him the greatest power, while she withdraws to her favor- 
ite city in Armenia. Zoroaster raises a rebellion against Semiramis, 
and the issue of the war is told. 

Several translations of Moses or of this passage are accessible : 
Whiston, Moses Chorenens., London, 1736, 1. ch. 16 (quoted in Miiller’s 
Frag. hist. Gr. 11. p. 627, and in Gilmore, Persika of Itesias, Lon- 
don, 1888, p. 30, n.); Langlois, Collection des Historiens anciens et 
modernes de l’ Arménie, Paris, 1867-1869, tome ii. 59, 69; cf. ibid. 1. 


ifi.g. Agathias ; cf. Hyde, Hist. Relig. vet. Pers. p. 412. 
274 


ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN OLDER LITERATURES 275 


p. 28 (Mar Apas Catina, ch. 10) ; Lauer, Moses von Chorene, Geschichte 
Gross-Armeniens tibersetzt, Regensburg 1869, p. 13 seq. The sources 
are discussed by Carriére, Nouvelles sources de Moise de Khoren, 
Vienna, 1893; cf. also Vetter in Festgruss an Roth, p. 81 seq. 

For a rendering of the passages, in which Zoroaster is alluded to 
in Moses of Khorene, I am indebted to the kind help of my col- 
league, Mr. Abraham Yohannan, of Columbia University, whose 
version is here given for convenience. 


Mos. Khor. 1. 6 [in speaking of Zrvan and basing the narrative on the legen- 
dary Berosian Sibyl, Moses of Khorene alludes to three princes of the earth, 
‘Zrvan, Titan, and Japhet’ (Zrvan, Didan, Habedost). In his opinion these 
are identical with ‘Shem, Ham,and Japhet’ (Sem, Kam, Habet). He then goes 
on to state, upon the authority of the Berosian Sibyl], ‘These divided the 
whole world between them. Over the other two, Zrvan gained the mastery, — 
he, of whom Zoroaster (Zradasht) king of the Bactrians, that is the Medes, 
states that he is the source and father of the gods.’ 

Mos. Khor. 1. 17 (16) ‘ About Semiramis— The reason why she slew her 
sons — How she fled from Zoroaster (Zradasht) the Magian into Armenia — 
And how she was put to death by her son Ninyas (Ninouas):— This queen was 
always accustomed, for her recreation, to pass the summer in the northern 
region, in the fortified city which she had built in Armenia. She left Assyria 
and Nineveh in charge of the governor Zoroaster, a Magian and patriarch of the 
Medes. And having repeatedly done this, she (finally) entrusted the sovereignty 
entirely to him.’ 

‘Being herself often rebuked by her sons because of her wanton and meretri- 
cious character, she put them all to death ; only Ninyas (Ninouas) escaped. She 
chose to bestow upon her paramours all the power and treasures, without any 
regard to her sons. Her husband Ninus was not dead, nor buried by her in the 
palace of Nineveh, as is reported ; but he abandoned the realm and fled to Crete, 
because he was aware of her vice and shameless behavior.’ 

‘Tt was then that her grown-up sons reminded her of all this in hopes of 
restraining her from her devilish and warlike desires and of having the power 
and treasures entrusted to them. Becoming excessively enraged thereat, she 
killed them all, and only Ninyas remained as we have described above.’ 

‘But when some misunderstanding occurred on the part of Zoroaster with 
reference to the queen, and enmity arose between the two, Semiramis made war 
against him because he was designing to rule by force over all. In the midst of 
the war Semiramis fled before Zoroaster into Armenia.’ 

‘ At this juncture, Ninyas (her son), taking advantage of the opportunity for 
revenge, killed his mother and reigned over Assyria and Nineveh.’ 


(b) Eliszus, who is presumably a contemporary of Vartan (a.p. 
fifth century), in his history of the latter, and of the wars which the 
Armenians waged against the Persians, alludes incidentally to the 


276 APPENDIX VI 


‘Magians,’ and the ‘religion of Zoroaster’; see Langlois, op. cit. ii. 
189, 230. 

(c) The Armenian Eznik (a.p. fifth century,) in his refutation 
of the sects and of heretical opinions, devotes an entire division 
(ii.) of his work to the false tenets of the Persians who maintain 
the doctrine of Ormazd, Ahriman, and Zrvan, and, in this connec- 
tion, he incidentally mentions ‘ Zradasht ’ (Zoroaster) as responsible 
for the heretical views as to the origin of the sun and moon, ef. 
Langlois, op. cit. 11. 381. Most of this passage is translated in Wil- 
son, Parsi Religion, pp. 542-551, but not the paragraph relating to 
Zoroaster; cf. also Haug, Hssays on the Parsis, p. 18. 

(4) Thomas Arzrouni, the learned Armenian annalist (A.D. 
ninth-tenth century), gives a series of statements regarding Zoro- 
aster and the Persian belief in Ormazd. Some of his allusions are 
identical with the common accounts which associate Zoroaster’s name 
with Ninus and Semiramis. One passage is also of importance in con- 
nection with the prescriptions of the Vendidad. It gives a legendary 
explanation of the origin of the injunction which Zoroaster gave for 
killing noxious animals. The passage is to be found translated in 
the valuable publication of Brosset, Collection Whistoriens arméniens ; 
Th. Ardzrouni, ete., tome i, 8. Pétersbourg, 1874. As this work is not 
easily accessible and as the passage does not seem to be generally 
familiar to Zoroastrian students, it is worth while to reproduce Bros- 
set’s translation (op. cit., livre 1, § 3, pp. 19-22, 25; § 4, p. 27). 

1. 3, ‘De l’empire des Assyriens ; que Zradacht et Manithop furent chefs des 
contrées orientales ; leurs dogmes absurdes. 

‘Des temps écoulés entre Bel et Ninos, il ne reste dans les livres anciens, 
ainsi que nous l’avons dit précédemment, aucune trace considérable et éclatante, 
et cela, sans doute, par plusieurs raisons. D’abord, par suite de la confusion 
des langues, il régnait une facheuse mésintelligence, puis les annalistes chal- 
déens ne retragaient pas les faiblesses des hommes de haut rang. Et encore, 
si méme les exploits et actes de bravoure de Ninos ont été racontés, comme Bel 
et pis encore, ilen vint & un tel degré d’orgueil, qu’il se regardait comme le 
premier des héros, comme le premier des rois, et ayant fait rassembler en un tas, 
en grande hate, tous les écrits anciens, il les livra aux flammes, afin que par la 
suite il ne restat plus de souvenir d’autre personne illustre que la sienne.? I 
passe done pour avoir régné sur toute |’ Asie, l’ Inde exceptée et sur la Libye. Il 
fit aussi réparer, pour l’honneur de son nom, la ville de Ninive, autrefois con- 
struite par Assour, pour étre la résidence royale, et qu’avait ravagée Nébroth. 
Il détréna ensuite le mage Zradacht, roi des Bactriens et des Médes, et le chassa 


1Cf.Neumann, Geschichte der armen. 2Mr. Gray notes a similar act by 
Lit., pp. 128-125, Leipzig, 1836. Tsin-Chi-hoang-ti. 


ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN OLDER LITERATURES 277 


jusqu’aux frontiéres des Héphtalites, devint le maitre puissant de tout le 
Khoujastan, des contrées de l’orient et de la Perse, jusque par-delA Balkh et 
Dépouhan ; de Comaid, de Gauzpan, de Chéribamamacan, de Khodjihrastan, et 
pour vrai dire, il soumit durant 52 ans, avec une incroyable valeur, tout le pays 
jusqu’a’ la mer des Indes. Lorsqu’il mourut, ne laissant que de trés jeunes 
enfants, il remit l’autorité 4 sa femme Chamiram, qui l’exerca elle-méme avec 
plus de vigueur que Ninos ; car elle enceignit Babylone de murailles, dompta la 
rébellion de Zradacht et le reduisit en servitude. Mais l’ivresse des voluptés lui 
faisant oublier ses fils, elle prodigua ses trésors & ses amants favoris et établit 
Zradacht commandant de Babylone, du Khoujastan et de toute la Perse 
orientale. Pour elle, elle passa en Arménie, ou l’attirait la renommée d’un 
descendant d’ Haic. Quant 4 son arrivée en ce pays, aux détails de la bataille, 
a la construction de superbes édifices, veritablement admirables, A la revolte de 
Zradacht, & la mort de Chamiram, aux récits des magiciens, & ce sujet, tout cela 
a été raconté par d’autres. Elle avait régné 42 ans. L’autorité passa 4 son fils 
Zarmia, qui fut appelé Ninovas, du nom de son pére. Celui-ci fut maitre de 
PAssyrie et, durant un temps, de l’Arménie. Peu soucieux d’agrandissements, 
doué d’un caractére paisible et non belliqueux, il passa tranquillement ses jours.’ 

‘Cependant Zradacht, possédant les contrées & l’orient de la Perse, cessa 
depuis lors d’inquiéter l’Assyrie. Dédaignant comme vieilleries et choses par 
trop obscures, les récits sur Bel et sur les autres descendants des génies, il 
débita sur son propre compte de nouvelles fables, afin de séparer du méme coup 
les Perses et les Mars des Babyloniens, et, par ses doctrines et par des noms, de 
se mettre en communication avec les Assyriens. Il se mit donc & appeler [de ?]1 
nouveau Zrovan et souche des dieux Sem, fils de Noé. ‘‘Celui-ci, dit-il, voulant 
devenir pére d’Ormizd, dit: ‘* Qu’ainsi soit, j’aurai pour fils Ormizd, qui fera le 
ciel et la terre.” Zrovan congut done deux jumeaux, dont l’un fut assez rusé 
pour se hater de paraitre le premier, ‘‘Qui es-tu? lui dit Zrovan. —Ton fils 
Ormizd. — Mon fils Ormizd est lumineux et de bonne odeur, et toi tu es obscur 
et mauvaise langue.’’? Celui-ci ayant beaucoup insisté, il lui donna le pouvoir 
pour mille ans. Ormizd, étant né au bout de ce terme, dit A son frére: ‘Je 
tai cédé pendant mille ans; céde-moi présentement.’? Connaissant son inféri- 
orité, Ahrman résista et se révolta, et devint un dieu opposé & Ormizd. Quand 
Ormizd créa la lumiére, Ahrman fit les ténébres ; quand Ormizd créa la vie, Ahr- 
man fit la mort; quand Ormizd créa le feu, le bien, Ahrman fit l’eau et le mal. 
Pour ne point dire tout, l’un aprés Vautre, tout ce qui est bon et les gens ver- 
tueux proviennent d’Ormizd; d’Ahrman, tout ce qui est mauvais et les démons. 
Maintenant & celui qui pensera que ces doctrines ne méritent qu’une explosion 
de rire, et qui traite de fou le roi Zradacht, réponds que ce dieu impuissant, 
Ormizd, ne travaille pas en vain, et que les deux fréres, bien qu’ennemies 
mutuels, se courrouceront 4 la fois pour l’exterminer.’ 

‘Le méme insensé Zradacht raconte encore qu’une guerre s’étant élevée 
entre Ormizd et Ahrman, le premier éprouva une faim enragée et courut les 
champs, pour trouver de la nourriture. Il rencontra un beeuf, qu’il déroba. 


1 Added by Mr. Schuyler, who also notes from Brosset that Arzrouni always 
writes Ormzd, Ahrmn. 


278 APPENDIX VI 


L’ayant tué et caché sous un tas de pierres, il attendit le crépuscule, pour 
enlever chez lui le produit de son larcin et rassasier sa faim. Le soir venu, il 
était tout joyeux et allait se gorger de nourriture, mais il trouva le bouf gaté, 
devoré par les lézards, par les araignées, les stellions et les mouches, qui avaient 
fait leur proie de son gibier. Maintenant donc la légion des cloportes et des 
jjacs vinrent, et comme ils firent beaucoup de mal au dieu, Zradacht prescrivit 
une quantité de réglements puerils. Ce n’est point a la légére que nous 
sommes décidé & écrire ces choses, mais parce que cette doctrine satanique a 
causé bien des catastrophes sanglantes & notre Arménie, qu’elle a ruinée entiére- 
ment, ainsi que le fait voir histoire des saints Vardanians, écrite par le véné- 
rable prétre Eghiché. Les fils des pyrolatres sont 14, pour l’affirmer encore.’ 

‘Cependant Manithop, roi des Hephtals, ajoute et affirme encore ceci: le feu, 
suivant lui, n’est pas la créature d’Ormizd, mais sa substance. Héphestos et 
Promithos, i.e. le soleil et la lune, ayant dérobé le feu d’Ormizd, en donnérent 
une partie aux hommes. La terre est l’asyle du dieu Spandaramet — Bacchus ; 
—elle n’a été créée par personne, mais elle existait, telle qu’elle existe; elle 
continue d’étre, et l’homme est né de lui-méme.’ 

Three pages farther on (p. 25) is found another allusion to Zoroaster: ‘ Quant 
aux autres assertions des mythologues, et & leurs dires sans fondements, j’en 
prendrai, pour le réfuter, ce qu’il y 4 de plus raisonnable dans les traditions 
confuses, transmises & leurs sectateurs par les orientaux Zradacht et Manithop.’ 

[In the next chapter Thomas Arzrouni summarizes the reigns of the succes- 
sive Assyrian rulers down to the rise of the kingdom of Persia under Cyrus, 
and Zoroaster’s death is incidentally mentioned. From the allusions to Ninus 
and Semiramis and Abraham, it is evident that he places Zoroaster at an early 
period. The text runs]: ‘Nous avons suivi méthodiquement la série des géné- 
rations et rangé avec soin les ancétres de l’empire d’Assyrie, dont le premier 
héritier fut Zamésos [i.e. Zarmia, plus haut], le méme que Ninovas, fils de 
Ninus et de Chamiram, en la 53e année de la vie du patriarche Abraham, qui 
régna sur toute l’Asie et l’Arménie. Zradacht étant mort, il fut de nouveau, 38 
ans durant, monarque pacifique de tout ce qui est & 1’O. de la Perse, qui lui 
obéit et lui paya tribut. Aprés lui, son fils Arias, le 4e depuis Ninus, durant 30 
ans. Aprés lui les rois d’Assyrie, se succédant au pouvoir, de pére en fils, ne 
firent rien de remarquable, et pas un seul d’entre eux ne régna moins de 20 
ans.’ 


II 
Allusions to Zoroaster in Chinese Literature 


For my first direct information on this subject, a year ago, I am 
personally indebted to the Sinologist, Dr. F. Hirth, of Munich, 
whose kindness I cordially appreciate, and whose suggestions I grate- 
fully acknowledge. Dr. Hirth recently wrote me that some of the 
material of which he spoke to me is easily accessible in the mono- 
graphs of Messieurs Chavannes and Devéria, from which I give 


ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN OLDER LITERATURES 279 


selections, as they can but be of special interest to students of Zoro- 
astrianism. Dr. Frederick W. Williams, of Yale University, New 
Haven, furthermore draws my attention to the existence of a number 
of references in Chinese literature to the religion of Zoroaster as 
Po-sz king kian, ‘religion of Persia,’ or Po-sz. Iam sincerely indebted 
to these gentlemen, and I hope that, joined perhaps by Mer. C. 
de Harlez and others, they may pursue their researches farther in 
this particular line, and add to our knowledge of the Prophet of 
Ancient Iran, and his influence in the Far East. 

In a letter which Dr. Hirth wrote to me, he says: ‘ What I con- 
sider to be the Chinese transcription of the name Zoroaster occurs in 
a work called Si-ki-tsung-yii (chap. 1, p. 20). Speaking of the 
deity, Mahésvara (in Chinese Ma-yi-schou-lo), the author, who wrote 
about the middle of the twelfth century (cf. Wyhe, Notes on Chinese 
Literature, p. 128) says: “It [the deity] originally came from the 
great country of Persia, and is [there] called Su-lu-tsché. The god 
had a disciple by the name of Yiian-tchén, who studied the doctrine 
of his master, etc., in Persia, and afterwards travelled to China to 
spread it there.” ’! 

M. Ed. Chavannes, Le Nestorianisme et UInscription de Kara- 
Balgassoun in Journ. Asiatique, Janv. Fév. 1897, p. 61 seq., gives 
some very interesting allusions to the Persian religion and its spread 
in China, onward from the seventh century of our era. I select 
two extracts which mention Zoroaster. The monograph itself should 
be consulted. 

Chavannes, op. cit. p. 61, notes, by way of introduction: ‘A la 
date de la 5° année tcheng-koan (631),? le Fo-tsou Vong ki dit (Chapter 
Xxxix. p. 71 V°, 9° cahier de la lettre® dans l’édition japonaise du 
Tripitaka de la Société Asiatique) : — 

* Autrefois Sou-li-tche (Zarathushtra, Zoroastre), du royaume de Perse, 


avait institué la religion mo-ni-enne du dieu céleste du feu; un édit impérial 
ordonna d’établir 4 la capitale un temple de Ta-ts’in.’’ * 


‘Dans le méme ouvrage (chap. liv. p. 151 r°), on lit: — 


10On seeing Devéria’s citation of 2T.e. a.p. 631. 
the same passage (given above), Dr. 3 Here follows a Chinese char- 
Hirth supplements his note by adding acter. 
that it is perhaps the intention of the 4 T.e. Chaldea ; see Devéria, op. cit. 


passage to indicate that the doctrine p.456. Similarly De Rosny, Le Culte de 
rather than Yiian-tchén travelled to Zoroastre chez les Chinois in Congrés 
China. See Devéria’s quotation. int. des Orient., 1™¢ Sess. ii. 823-526. 


280 APPENDIX VI 


‘¢ Pour ce qui est de la religion mo-ni-enne du dieu céleste du feu,! autrefois, 
dans le royaume de Perse il y eut Zoroastre ; il mit en vigueur la religion du dieu 
céleste du feu; ses disciples vinrent faire des conversions en Chine; sous les 
T’ang, la 5° année tcheng-koan (631), un de ses sectateurs, le mage Ho-lou 
vint au palais apporter la religion du dieu céleste ; un décret impérial ordonna 
d’établir & la capitale un temple de Za-ts’in.”’ 


M. G. Devéria, Musulmans et Manichéens Chinois in Journ. Asia- 
tique, Nov. Déc. 1897, p. 445 seq., especially discusses certain Chinese 
material on the subject of Manicheism; he cites and translates 
(on p. 456) the last passage given by Chavannes, and notes also the 
one to which Hirth had already called attention. 


Devéria, op. cit. p. 462 : ‘Yao-Koan des Song dit: les caractéres [. . .]? 
désignent l’Esprit étranger du ciel; [.. .] se prononce hien; son culte est 
celui que les livres sacrés bouddhiques appellent le culte de Mahesvara; c’est 
dans la grande Perse qu’il prit naissance ; on l’y nomme (culte de) Zoroastre ; 
celui-ci eut un disciple appelé Hiuan-tchen (Céleste vérité ou Véridique céleste), 
qui étudia la religion du maitre ; il descendait de Jouhouo-chan (Joukhshan ou 
Soukhshan ou Djoukhshan ?), grand gouverneur général de la Perse; sa propa- 
gande s’exerca en Chine,’ ? 


10g 


References to some Syriac, Arabic, and other Mohammedan or 
Persian Allusions to Zoroaster 


The most convenient collection of material on Syriac and Arabic 
allusions to Zoroaster is by Gottheil in the book so often quoted 
above and easily accessible. I merely repeat the title below. To 
supplement this, see brief remark in AJSZ. xiii. 225 and I note also 
(by pages) such references as I have observed in Hyde, Barbier de 
Meynard, Vullers, or elsewhere, as the works can be consulted. 

1. Gottheil, R., References to Zoroaster in Syriac and Arabic Liter- 
ature, collected in Classical Studies in Honour of Henry Drisler, New 
York, 1894 (Columbia University Press), pp. 24-51. This monograph 
gives abundant bibliographical material. 


1 Devéria, op. cit. p.456,renders‘de searches, Part I., pp. 15 seq., Shang- 
la religion de Mo-ni de l’Esprit céleste hai, 1880, on the Chinese knowledge 
du feu,’ and notes that Mo-ni refers to of Bactria and Persia. Specialists can 
the Manicheans (p. 464). doubtless add much on this subject. 

2 Here are Chinese characters. Professor Bang reminds me of ZDMG. 

3 Cf. also Fergusson, Chinese Re- xliv. 151; xlv. 627; WZKM. xii. 51. 


ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN OLDER LITERATURES 281 


2. Hyde, T., Historia Religionis veterum Persarum, Oxon. 1700, 
the following pages : — 


Shahrastani, p. 153 (fires), 294-296 (Magian doctrines and Z.), 298-300 (cf. 
Gottheil, p. 46 seq.), 882 (Messianic prophecy by Z.). 

Ibn Shahna, p. 162 seq. (Z. and dualism). 

Shah Kholgi, p. 164 (Z. and the Gahanbar). 

Bar Bahlil (Syriac), p. 310 (etymology of Z.’s name ; Messianic prophecies ; 
cf. Gottheil, p. 28). 

Abilfeda, p. 311 (Z. born at Urumiah). 

Beidawi, p. 313 (Z. and religion; Z.’s mountain at Istakhr). 

Abi Mohammed Mustafa, p. 313 (Z. and Ezra ; doctrines). 

Bundari, p. 314seq. (after Tabarl). 

Majdi, pp. 315-317, 319, 385 (Z. Palestine and Adarbaijan ; conversion of V. ; 
molten brass ordeal; cypress of Kishmar; Jamasp). 

Khvandamiri, p. 317 seq. (Z. and fire-worship ; V. at Istakhr). 

Shah Namah Nasr, pp. 319-325 (abridged prose account from SBN. of Z.’s 
conversion of V., and his history). 

Abtl-Faraj, p. 884 (Messianic). 

Khalil Safi, pp. 385, 421 (Jamasp = Daniel; the Persian language). 

Sad-dar, p. 433 seq. (gives a Latin translation). 

Al-Makin, p. 529 (Z. contemporary with Smerdis ; Z. institutes a communion). 

Eutychius, see Appendix II., p. 168 above. 


3. The Mujmal al-Tawarikh (A.p. 1126, author unknown). EHa- 
traits du Modjmal al-Tewarikh, relatifs & Vhistoire dela Perse, traduits 
par Jules Mohl (Journal Asiatique, tome xi. pp. 136, 258, 320, Paris, 
1841). This work is later than Tabari, Hamzah, and Firdausi. The 
author makes use of Hamzah. The special pages which are of 
interest in connection with Zoroaster are the following: p. 147 
(chronology), 160 (Lohrasp), 161 (Gushtasp), 162-163 (Bahman, 
Himai, Darab, Dara, Sikander), 333 (the reign of Gushtasp, war 
with Arjasp). 

4. Barbier de Meynard Dictionnaire géographique, historique et 
littéraire de la Perse et des Contrées adjacentes, extrait du Médjem 
el-Bouldan de Yaqout, Paris, 1861. Zoroaster is especially men- 
tioned in the following articles, which should be consulted, and 
quotations have already been made from them: pp. 26, 85 Ourmiah, 
p- 83 Oustounawend, p. 867 Schiz, p. 514-515 Mah-Dinar (orig. Din- 
Zeraduscht). 

Important information further illustrating the subject may be 
found under the following heads in the same translation from 
Yaktt (the list, however, not complete): p. 27 Hrwend, Elvend, 63 
Tran, 75 Badeghis, 80 Bamian, Bamin, 86 Bakhdjermian, 100, Bost 


282 APPENDIX VI 


(in Seistan), 106 Bosht (mentions Vishtasp), 107 Boschtenfurousch (for 
Vishtasp), 112 Balkh (for Lohrasp), 124 Behistoun, 167 Djownbond, 
Gounbed (for Isfendiar), 183 Djeithoun (Jihtn, Oxus), 197 Khoracan 
(ane. Pers. kings), 224, 236 Debawend, Demawend, 251 Dinewer, 268 
Rouian, 272 Riwend, 273 Rey, Rat (but Z. is not mentioned), 280 
Zaboulistin (Ristam), 284 Zerd (mt.), 300 Sebelan (mt., but Z. is not 
mentioned), 300-305 Sedjestan, Seistan, 367 Schiz, 413 Farmed, 464 
Qoume (Kimish), 467 Qohendez (qu. Av. Kanha Daéza?), 469 Kaboul, 
471 Karian (Magian pyraea), 477 HKourr (no mention of Vishtasp), 
489 Kouschtasfi (mentions Vishtasp), 489 AKeschmer (no mention of Z. 
or V.), 569 Noubehar (temple at Balkh). 

5. Iskandar Namah. Sketch of the Codex of Iskandar Namah, 
Nizami, in Catalogo della Biblioteca Naniana, Assemani, vol. i. pp. 
112-122, esp. 119 seq. Division xv. (Lohrasp, contemporary of 
Jeremiah and Daniel; at his time lived Zardusht, but Abulfaraj 
makes him flourish under Cambyses; Lohrasp reigned 120 years). 
Division xvi. Vishtasp and Zoroaster (doctrines of Zoroaster; Vish- 
tasp reigned about 120 years; in his time lived Socrates of Greece, 
and Jamasp the Persian Philosopher). Divisions xvii.—xx. (sketch 
of following reigns down to Iskandar). 

6. “‘Ulama-i Islam, a Persian work in prose. This treatise of the 
twelfth century a.p. deals rather with a vision of Zardusht and with 
eschatology. It is accessible in English and in German: Wilson, 
Parsi Religion, pp. 560-563, Vlma-1-Islim translated; Vullers, Frag- 
mente iiber Zoroaster, pp. 43-67, Ulemai Islam iibersetzt. See also 
comment by Wilson, Parsi Religion, p. 135, and Anquetil du Perron, 
Zend-Avesta, ii. p. 339, West, in Grundriss der tran. Philol. 11. 123. 

7. Dasatir. This curious collection, with its commentary, pro- 
fesses to be old; but it is criticised adversely by Wilson, Parsi 
Religion, pp. 411-412. It is quoted by the Dabistain. Some selec- 
tions, with commentary, from the chapter on Zardusht’s philoso- 
phy are added here from the only edition with translation that is 
accessible. The spelling of the edition is preserved practically 
unchanged, but with a few corrections of accents. The title of the 
edition reads: The Desatir or Sacred Writings of the Ancient Persian 
Prophets ; in the Original Tongue; together with the Ancient Persian 
Version of the Fifth Sasan; carefully published by Mulla Bin Firuz 
Kaus. With English translation. 2 vols. Bombay, 1818. 

Dasatir, p. 120, § 42. ‘Now a Wise Man, named Tianir,’ will 


1 Tatianish, Pers. 


ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN OLDER LITERATURES 283 


come from Nirakh' in order to consult thee concerning the real 
nature of things.’ 

§ 43. ‘TI will tell thee what he asketh, and do thou answer (his 
questions) before he putteth them.’ 


Commentary. —‘It is said that when the fame of the excellence of the nature 
of Zertusht had spread all over the world, and when Isfendiar went round the 
world, erected fire-temples, and raised domes over the fires ; the wise men of 
Yunan selected a sage named Tiitianfish, who at that time had the superiority 
in acquirements over them all, to go to Iran and to enquire of Zertusht concern- 
ing the real nature of things. If he was puzzled and unable to answer, he could 
be no real prophet ; but if he returned an answer, he was a speaker of truth. 
When the Yunani Sage arrived at Balkh, Gushtasp appointed a proper day, on 
which the Mobeds of every country should assemble ; and a golden chair was 
placed for the Yunani Sage. Then the beloved of Yezdan, the prophet Zertusht 
advanced into the midst of the assembly. The Yun4ni Sage on seeing that 
chief said, ‘‘ This form and this gait cannot lie, and nought but truth can proceed 
from them.’’ He then asked the day of the prophet’s nativity. The prophet of 
God told it. He said, “On such a day and under such a fortunate star a deceiver 
cannot be born.’ He next enquired into his diet and mode of life. The prophet 
of God explained the whole. The Sage said, ‘‘ This mode of life cannot suit an 
impostor.’? The prophet of Yezdén then said to him: ‘I have answered you the 
questions which you have put to me; now, retain in your mind what the famed 
Yundani Sages directed you to enquire of Zertusht and disclose it not; but listen 
and hear what they ask ; for God hath informed me of it, and hath sent his word 
unto me to unfold it.” The Sage said, “Speak.” Thereupon the prophet Zertusht 
ordered the scholar to repeat the following texts: ’ 


Dasat. p. 121, § 44. ‘The friend of acuteness will say unto thee, 
The Nfrakh? Sages ask, What use is there for a prophet in this 
world ?’ 

[Here follow a number of the supposed questions that will be 
asked, and then a prophecy is made of Vishtasp and an account 
given of how the Avesta came into the hands of Alexander the 
Great. | 

Dasat. p. 123, §§ 58-59. [The sacred book of the Iranians is 
referred to in the text and the commentary says, among other 
things |: 

Commentary. —‘ That book is the inspired volume which the prophet of God, 
Zertusht, asked of God that he should send down as his book for the purpose 
of advice ; that when the time of Sekander should arrive, the Destirs might 


exhibit it, and he being gratified with it, become more attached to the faith of 
the Pure. Yezdan, approving of the request of his prophet, sent down a part of 


1Yunan, Pers. ; that is, Greece. 2 Yunan, Pers. 


284 APPENDIX VI 


his word in the form of an Advice to Sekander ; and the King (i.e. Gushtfsp) 
placed it, sealed with the seals of the Destirs, in the Treasury. When 
Sekander gained the ascendency in Iran, Peridukht Roushenek and the Desttirs 
delivered that volume into his hands. He read it, applauded the religion of 
Abad (on which be blessings), praised the greatness of Zertusht and the truth 
of that Religion, and commanded the Mobeds that they should make that book 
a portion of the Desatir. That sacred volume is known under the name of 
Sekander, as it is for his instruction that it was revealed to Zertusht ; and the 
beginning of it is, ‘‘ In the name of the Giver of Knowledge Mezdam.’’’ 


Dasat. p. 125, § 64. ‘O prophet and friend! MHertiish son of 
Heresfetmad! When Senkeraikas? arrived, he was turned into the 
right road by one fershem of the Navissha,’ and returned back into 


Azend.’ § 


Commentary. — ‘ Chengerengacheh was a sage renowned for his acuteness 
and wisdom, and the Mobeds (wise-men) of the earth gloried in being his scholars. 
When he heard of the greatness of the prophet of Yezdan, Zertusht the son of 
Isfenteman, he came to Iran with the intention of overturning the Good Religion. 
When he reached Balkh, before he had dropped a single word from his tongue, 
and before he had asked a single question, the prophet of Yezdan, Zertusht, said 
into him, ‘‘ Commit not to your tongue what you have in your heart, but keep it 
secret.’’ He then addressed a Sage who was his disciple, saying, ‘‘ Read to him 
one section (Nisk) of the Awesta.’’ In this blessed section of the Awesta were 
found the questions of Chengerengacheh with the answers, which He (God) 
himself had communicated to the prophet ; forewarning him, that such a person, 
of such a name would come ; that his first question would be this, and that the 
answer was to be so. When Chengerengacheh saw this miracle, he was con- 
verted to the Good Faith, and returning to the land of Hind remained steady 
in this blessed religion. May Yezdan the Bountiful grant to us and our friends 
this best of Faiths !’ 


Dasat. p. 126, § 65. ‘Now a Brahman named Birds‘ will come 
from Azend very wise, insomuch that there are few such persons on 
earth !’ 

§ 66. ‘He, in his heart, intendeth to ask of thee, first, Why is not 
Mezdam the immediate maker of all things having being ?’ 

§ 67. ‘Say thou unto him; Mezdam is the Maker of all things ; 
and used the medium of no instrument in bestowing existence on 
the Chief of Angels; but in regard to all other existence he made 
use of an instrument.’ 


1 Chengerengicheh, Pers. 8 Hind, Pers. 
2 By one Nisk (i.e. Nask or section) 4 Bids, Pers. Undoubtedly the cele- 
of the Awesta, Pers. brated Vids or Vyasa. 


ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN OLDER LITERATURES 285 


Commentary. — ‘The First Intelligence received being from the Bestower of 
Being without the intervention of any instrument ; while all other beings received 
existence by the intervention of instruments and media.’ 


[Here a long series of questions and answers are given to Zoroaster 
so as to prepare him. The text then continues as follows. ] 

Page 148, § 162. ‘When you have expounded this matter to him, 
he will become of the true faith, and be converted to your religion.’ 


Commentary. —‘ It is said that when Bias, the Hindi, came to Balkh, Gush- 
tasp sent for Zertusht, and informed the prophet of Yezdan of that wise man’s 
coming. The prophet said, ‘‘May Yezdan turn it to good!’ The Emperor then 
commanded that the Sages and Mobeds should be summoned from all countries. 
When they were all assembled, Zertusht came from his place of Worship; and 
Bids, also having joined the assembly, said to the prophet of Yezdan; ‘‘O Zer- 
tusht, the inhabitants of the world, moved by the answers and expounding of 
Secrets given to Chengerengacheh, are desirous to adopt thy religion. I have 
heard, moreover, of many of thy miracles. Iam a Hindi man, and, in my own 
country, of unequalled knowledge. I have in my mind several secrets, which I 
have never entrusted to my tongue, because some say that the Ahermans (devils) 
might give information of them to the idolaters of the Aherman faith : so no 
ear hath heard them, except that of my heart. If, in the presence of this assem- 
bly, you tell me, one after another, what those secrets are that remain on my 
mind, I will be converted to your faith. Shet Zertusht said, O Bias, Yezdan 
communicated to me your secrets, before your arrival. He then mentioned the 
whole in detail from beginning to end. When Bias heard, and asked the mean- 
ing of the words, and had them explained! to him, he returned thanks to Yezdan 
and united himself to the Behdin, after which he returned back to Hind.’ 


§ 163. ‘In the name of Mezdéim! O Zertusht! my prophet! 
After thee shall Simkendesh? appear, and afterwards the First Sasan, 
the prophet, shall come and make thy Book known by a translation.’ 


§ 164. ‘And no one but he shall know the meaning of my words.’ 


Commentary. — ‘ Hence it was that Shet Sasan made an interpretation of the 
Book of Shet Zertusht agreeably to its sense.’ 


8. Dabistén (Persian) gives an account of the Persian religion, 
and of Zoroaster, and it has often been quoted above. This is 
accessible in Shea and Troyer’s translation: The Dabistan or School 
of Manners, translated from the original Persian, by D. Shea and 
A. Troyer, Paris, 1843, vol. i. pp. 211-253. 

9. Sources like the Shah Namah, Zartusht Namah, Cangranghacah 


1 Since they were spoken in a Persian language which he did not understand. 
2 Sekander. 


286 APPENDIX VI 


Namah and Mirkhond, have been sufficiently discussed above. For 
titles and editions of other Persian works on Zoroastrianism, refer- 
ence may be made to West’s Appendix, T’he Modern-Persian Zoroas- 
trian Literature of the Parsis in the Grundriss der tran. Philol. 11. 
122-129. 


IV 
Allusion to Zoroaster in the Snorra Edda Preface 


[Reprinted, with unimportant omissions, from my Notes on Zoroaster and 
the Avesta, in Proceedings AOS., March, 1894, vol. xvi. pp. exxvi.—viii.] 


In the preface to the Younger Edda there is a passage relating to 
Zoroaster which is perhaps worth recording among the allusions to 
his name found in non-Oriental literature. The preface to the Snorra 
Edda, after giving a brief sketch of the history of the world down 
to the time of Noah and the Flood, proceeds to an account of the 
Tower of Babel and the dispersion of the races through the confu- 
sion of tongues. Foremost among the builders of the tower was 
Zoroaster; the text adds that he became king of the Assyrians, and 
that he was the first idolater. In consequence of the confusion of 
tongues he was known by many names, but chief among these was 
Baal or Bel. 


The text Edda Snorra Sturlusonar, formdali 2, ed. Jénsson, p. 5, is here given 
for convenience of future reference: Ok sd, er fremstr var, het Zoroastres ; hann 
hid, fyrr enn hann grét, er hann kom 7 veréldina; enn forsmithir voru IL ok 
LXX, ok sva margar tungur hafa sithan dreifst wm verildina, eptir thvi sem 
risarnir skiptust sithan til landa, ok thjothirnar fjolguthust. I thesum sama 
stath var gjér ein hin dgetasta borg ok dregit af nafni stopulsins, ok kollut 
Babilon. Ok sem tungnaskiptit var orthit, tha fjdlguthust sva nofnin man- 
nanna ok annara hluta, ok sja sami Zoroastres hafthi morg nofn; ok tho at 
hann undirstethi, at hans ofsi veri legthr of sagthri smith, tha ferthi hann sik 
tho fram til veraldligs metnathar, ok let taka sik til konungs yfir morgum 
thjothum Assiriorum. Af honum hofst skurthgotha villa; ok sem hann var 
blotathr, var hann kallathr Baal; thann kollum ver Bel; hann hafthi ok morg 
dnnur nofn. Enn sem nofnin fjdlguthust, tha tyndist meth thi sannleikrinn. 

5 (p. 7). Ok af thessu hofst Gnnur villa millum Kritarmanna ok Mace- 
donidrum, svd sem hin fyrri methal Assiriorum ok Kaldeis af Zoroastre. 

This may be rendered: ‘He who was the foremost (builder of the tower) 
was called Zoroaster ; he laughed before he cried when he came into the world. 
But there were (in all) seventy-two master-builders ; and so many tongues have 
since spread throughout the world, according as the giants afterwards were 
scattered over the land and the nations multiplied. In this same place was 


ALLUSIONS TO ZOROASTER IN OLDER LITERATURES 287 


built a most renowned town, and it derived its name from the tower, and was 
called Babylon. And when the confusion of tongues had come to pass, then 
multiplied also the names of men and of other things; and this same Zoroaster 
had many names. And although he well understood that his pride was humbled 
by the said work, nevertheless he pushed his way on to worldly distinction, and 
got himself chosen king over many peoples of the Assyrians. From him arose 
the error of graven images (i.e. idolatry) ; and when he was sacrificed unto, he 
was called Baal; we call him Bel; he had also many other names. But, as the 
names multiplied, so was the truth lost withal.’ 

5. ‘(From Saturn) there arose another heresy among the Cretans and Mace- 
donians, just as the above mentioned error among the Assyrians and Chaldeans 
arose from Zoroaster.’ 


This passage is interesting for several reasons. 

First, it preserves the tradition elsewhere recorded regarding Zoro- 
aster’s having laughed instead of having cried when he was born 
into the world. [This has already been discussed above, p. 27.] 

Second, the two allusions here connecting Zoroaster with Assyria, 
Chaldza, and Babylon are to be added to those references which 
associate his name also with these places (e.g. consult Windischmann, 
Zor. Studien, p. 303 seq.) ; or again they are to be placed beside the 
statement of the Armenian Moses of Khorene, Thomas Arzrouni 
and others who make Zoroaster a contemporary of Semiramis, and 
appointed by her to be ruler of Nineveh and Assyria. (See Spiegel, 
Eranische Alterthumskunde, 1. 682 [and the quotation of the passage 
in this Appendix].) 

Third, in connection with the reputed multiplicity of names of 
Zoroaster, and the association of his name with Baal, Bel, attention 
might be called to the citation in the Syro-Arabie Lexicon of Bar 
‘Ali (c. A.p. 832) s.v. Balaam, ‘Balaam is Zardosht, the diviner of 
the Magians’ (cf. Gottheil, References, in the Drisler Classical 
Studies). 


APPENDIX VII 


NOTES ON SCULPTURES SUPPOSED TO REPRESENT 
ZOROASTER 


THERE is a supposition that we are not wholly without some 
representation of the personal appearance of Zoroaster, at least 
according to the conception which prevailed in Sassanian times. 
One sculptured image, in particular, has been supposed to represent 
in effigy an ideal of the great Master. It is also stated that there is 
a picture of Zoroaster in a fire-temple at Yezd, which is said to be 
taken from an old sculpture that exists at Balkh. This tradition, 
together with other facts and material on the subject of por- 
traiture of Zoroaster, is given in the following pages. The modern 
Zoroastrians themselves can doubtless add much more valuable infor- 
mation on this interesting subject. It is hoped that they will do so. 

(a) In the first place we may refer to a very old tradition on the 
subject of an effigy of Zoroaster; this is found in the Syriac work 
called the ‘Oration of Meliton the Philosopher; who was in the 
presence of Antoninus Cesar, and bade the same Cesar know God,’ 
etc. This interesting allusion is quoted by Gottheil, References to 
Zoroaster (p. 27), from the translation of Cureton, Spicilegium Syria- 
cum, London, 1855, p. 44, ef. p. 91, n. 36; it mentions an ‘image of 
Orpheus, a Thracian Magus; and Hadran is the image of Zaradusht, 
a Persian Magus.’ The special point of importance is that it shows 
the existence of a tradition as to a representation of Zoroaster. 

(b) E. G. Browne, in his valuable work, A Year amongst the Per- 
sians, London, 1893, p. 374, describes a visit which he paid to three 
Zoroastrian fire-temples at Yezd. The third temple which he men- 
tions, serves as a theological college for training youths for the priest- 
hood, and it contains a relic of interest. On the walls of one of the 
rooms of this building, Dr. Browne saw a picture which attracted his 
aotice, or to use the words of his own description (p. 874): ‘A pict- 
ure of Zoroaster (taken, as Ardashir [the host and guide] told me, 
from an old sculpture at Balkh), and several inscriptions on the walls 


288 


soe BOLI: 
pais gti 


RP OTR: 


yore 


Fe 


sett liitaccass 





Figure I 


IDEALIZED PoRTRAIT FROM A SCULPTURE SUPPOSED TO REPRESENT ZOROASTER 





SCULPTURES SUPPOSED TO REPRESENT ZOROASTER 289 


of the large central room, were the only other points of interest 
presented by the building.” It would be highly interesting if we 
could secure a copy of this portrait or of its reputed original at 
Balkh, because this would best represent the modern Zoroastrian tra- 
ditional idea of the appearance of the great High Priest. Possibly 
we may obtain it. The mention of Balkh, moreover, is interesting if 
this be a different representation from the supposed effigy at Takht-i 
Bostan. Should this be the case, and the location of the sculptured 
figure be found to be at the old temple Nubahar, we should have a 
new proof of the traditional association of Zoroaster’s name with 
Balkh. 

(c) The modern Parsi historian Dosabhai Framji Karaka, whose 
work, History of the Parsis, London, 1884, is indispensable to stu- 
dents of Zoroastrianism in our day, presents in his second volume 
Gi. 146) an idealized colored portrait of the founder of the Faith, 
which is here reproduced (see Figure I.), without the coloring, how- 
ever. The portrait is evidently based upon the sculptures next to 
be described, and it has the value of giving the Parsi conception 
directly. 

(d) The Takht-i Bostan Sculpture. Not far distant from Behis- 
tan, and near the city of Kermanshah (see Map,—square Be), in the 
valley of Takht-i Bostaén or Tek-i Bostan, on a hillside, is to be 
found a series of six historic bas-reliefs. The sixth or last of these 
bas-reliefs comprises a group of four sculptured figures, reproduc- 
tions of which are presented below, being based upon the copies 
found in Sir Robert Ker Porter, Travels in Georgia, Persia, Armenia, 
etc., London, 1822, vol. ii. 191; Flandin et Coste, Voyage en Perse, i. 
Planche 14, texte p. 6; George Rawlinson, The Seventh Oriental 
Monarchy, London, 1876, p. 64; K. D. Kiash, Ancient Persian 
Sculptures, Bombay, 1889, p. 211; and especially the photographic 
copy of de Morgan, Mission Scientifique en Perse, Paris, 1894, vol. ii. 
plate xxxiv. p. 104-5; vol. iv. plate xxxv. p. 310-11. The photo- 
graph of the sculpture taken by M. de Morgan is so interesting that 
it seems appropriate to make it accessible to those who cannot con- 
sult the valuable original work. A brief description of the possible 
subject of this four-fold group, which, unfortunately, bears no 
inscription, is not out of place here. 

Sir R. K. Porter (p. 191) records that this rock-sculptured group 
is called by the natives ‘The Four Calendars,’ but he does not 
explain why the name is given (see Figures II. and III.). He regards 


U 


290 APPENDIX VII 


the figure on the extreme left (or to the right as we face the picture) 
as the god Ormazd presenting the ring or emblem of sovereignty to 
Ardashir Babagan, who stands in the centre of the group, ‘and both 
are trampling upon a similar royally-habited figure symbolical of 
the fallen Arsacide.’ Of the fourth or remaining figure, the one in 
which we are particularly interested, Sir Ker Porter says (p. 192): 
‘The personage to the right of the centre figure [or to the left as 
we face the group] is of rather a singular appearance. His head 
is protected by a similar kind of cap, but without the ball, and with 
the extraordinary addition of a circle of rays blazing round his head 
and down to below his shoulders. He holds in both hands a fluted 
staff, or sceptre, of great length. The rest of his vesture nearly 
resembles that of the murally crowned figure. He stands upon a 
plant, not unlike a sunflower, the stalk of which is short and thick, 
and curved down into a lower part of the rock. The prostrate 
person is greatly mutilated; but his pearl-wreath, collar, and sword 
show that his consequence was not inferior to the two who trample 
on him. ... The radiated personage [the one under discussion ] 
may either be a personification of the Mithratic religion restored 
by him fie. by Ardashir, the central figure]; which the sunbeams 
round the head and the full-blown flower rising under their in- 
fluence at his feet, seem to typify; or the figure may be meant for 
the glorified Zoroaster himself; some Persian writers ascribing to 
him the reflected honor of that god-like attribute. The altar-plat- 
form near this bas-relief, and also the source of the river (two 
sacred Mithratic appendages), support the idea that this sculpture 
contains more than human images.’ 

Sir John Malcolm, History of Persia, new edition, London, 1829, 
vol. i. p. 545 (cf. earlier edition i. 258), speaks of the two figures 
with the circle or ring as ‘two sovereigns upon a prostrate Roman 
soldier;’? and he adds: ‘A figure supposed to be the prophet Zoro- 
aster stands by their side; his feet rest upon a star, and his head is 
covered with a glory or crown of rays.’ And he adds in a foot-note: 
‘Iam informed by the Parsees, or Guebres, that in almost all the 
paintings or sculptures that represent Zoroaster he is always distin- 
guished by a crown of rays, or glory, as I have described.’ This 
shows, at least, the prevalence of a tradition that representations of 
Zoroaster were thought to be not uncommon, whatever we may 
think on the subject. Flandin also believed the radiated figure to 
be Zoroaster (Voyage en Perse de MM, Flandin et Coste, i. 442, 
Rélation de Voyage, Paris, 1851). 





URE II 


Fic 


A SCULPTURE AT T 


AN 


I Bost 


AKHT- 





SCULPTURES SUPPOSED TO REPRESENT ZOROASTER 291 


Edward Thomas, Sassanian Inscriptions, in the Journ. of the Royal 
Asiatic Society of Gt. Brit. and Ireland, new series, vol. iii. p. 267, 
n. 38, London, 1868 (= Harly Sassanian Inscriptions, Seals and Coins, 
p. 27, London, Tribner, 1868), argues that the figure with the rays 
and staff represents the god Ormazd, and he bases his identification 
upon an acknowledged representation of Ormazd in a Naksh-i 
Rustam bas-relief (op. cit. p. 269)." As for the rays, he adds ina 
note that a similar form is given to Ormazd’s headgear in a coin of 
Hormisdas II. The other two figures in our group he regards, as 
do others, to be the representation of Ardashir presenting the crown 
of Iran to his son Shapir.? 

Canon George Rawlinson (op. cit. p. 64) agrees with Thomas that 
the radiated figure is Ormazd, not Zoroaster; that the other two are 
Ardashir and Shapir, and that the prostrate figure represents ‘ either 
Artabanus or the extinct Parthian monarchy, probably the former; 
while the sunflower upon which Ormazd stands, together with the 
rays that stream from his head, denote an intention to present him 
under a Mithraic aspect, suggestive to the beholder of a real latent 
identity between the two great objects of Persian worship.’ Pro- 
fessor Rawlinson, therefore, like Thomas, is not of the same opinion 
as those who presume that the figure represents Zoroaster. Simi- 
larly also, M. Dieulafoy, Suse, iv. 409, and Curzon, Persia, i. 563. 

The Parsi scholar, Kawasjee Dinshah Kiash, who visited Takht-i 
Bostain in 1878 and sketched the group, gives, in his serviceable 
book (The Ancient Persian Sculptures, p. 212), an interesting tradition 
regarding this bas-relief which seems not to be recorded by other 
writers on the subject. But first we may notice the details that he 
gives concerning the special figure, which, like the other effigies, 
stands about seven feet in height. ‘The head of the first figure 
[the one we are discussing] is covered up with a piece of cloth, and 
a serpach flows down the back. He is elad in a short, plain coat, 
and wears a belt. He holds in both hands a club three feet long 
and three inches thick. The rays of the sun shine direct upon his 
head, and a star glitters beneath him.’ Kiash next notes that some 
scholars call this a ‘sunflower’ rather than a star, and he further 
describes the other three figures of the group. Then follows the 
interesting tradition: — 


1 Some notes on sculptured images 20On the subject of Ardashir and 
of Ormazd will appear in my article his history, see Darab D. P. Sanjana, 
on Ormazd in The Monist, Chicago, Karnamé i Artakhshir 1 Papakan, new 
Dec., 1898. ed., Bombay, 1896. 


292 APPENDIX VII 


‘Owing to the deficiency in the inscription, tradition says: ‘‘ The first figure 
with the club is that of Prophet Zoroaster, the second is that of Gustasp, the 
fifth king of the Kayanian dynasty, the third is that of his son, the mighty 
Asphandiar [Isfendiar], who had established the Zoroastrian religion through 
the whole of Persia, and the last is that of Arjasp, the grandson of Afrasiab 
of Tooran, or Tartary. The circlet shows that the whole world is in their 
possession.’’? 


He then adds: ‘The above tradition, I believe, is taken from the 
Shah Nameh. The Persians take great pride in speaking of their 
by-gone kings. Ancient and modern writers contradict these state- 
ments, and doubtless the figures were not sculptured by the Kayanian 
kings, but by Ardeshir Babighan, the first ruler of the last dynasty 
of the Zoroastrians.? Mr. Kiash goes on to say he agrees with the 
view that the sculpture is of Sassanian origin, that the second and 
third figures apparently represent Ardashir and Shapuar I., and the 
dead figure is emblematical of the downfall of the Parthian dynasty. 
As to the first only is he in doubt, ‘as it is of peculiar construction 
and differs from others I have seen in different parts of Persia. 
On comparing it with the two figures holding clubs at Nacksh-i- 
Rajab (op. cit. p. 112) and Nacksh-i-Roostum (p. 121), both the 
dress and crown differ. I am unable to give the name of any reli- 
gious personage or celestial being, but simply state that it must be 
a sign of the Mithraic religion. According to the opinion of my 
co-travellers, it is believed to be a form of the Prophet Zoroaster.’ 

Whatever may be the origin and worth of the ‘tradition’ which 
Mr. Kiash quotes as connecting the figures with Vishtaspa and his 
contemporaries, it certainly is very interesting in connection with 
Chapter X. and the characters who act in the drama of the Holy 
War, especially Arjasp, the foeman of the Faith, with whom we 
have become sufficiently acquainted. The statement which the 
Parsi writer records of the opinion of his co-travellers to the effect 
that the figure is that of the Prophet Zoroaster, shows, like kindred 
statements, a preponderance of traditional authority on the side of 
the Zoroastrians, at least, in identifying this figure with their 
Prophet. Everything of that kind has its weight and importance 
when we enter upon the question of such identifications or endeavor 
to interpret sculptured remains. 

The evidence on the subject of this particular sculpture, as we 
look it over, seems to be about evenly balanced. Tradition appar- 
ently favors the identification of the effigy with Zoroaster; the 


—\ 
Cc 


S 
Pe —~| 
Ss 
— 
=; 


ww 
ae | AN 


Kea 
— 
Yi 


N 
0 


S— 
\ 
\ 


N 














FicureE III 


A DRAWING OF THE TAKHT-I BOSTAN SCULPTURE 


, 
a =e 


one 


Sere 





SCULPTURES SUPPOSED TO REPRESENT ZOROASTER 293 


more technical scholarly opinion of recent times, on the other hand, 
seems rather to regard the figure as a representation of Ormazd. 
The claim to Mithraic characteristics is not so easy to recognize. 
This much may be said in favor of tradition, that the figure would 
answer well to the glorified image, with ‘dazzling wand’ and ‘lus- 
trous glory’ around the head, which is the guise under which the 
Zoroastrian writer of the Zartusht Namah, in the thirteenth cen- 
tury, describes the vision of the Prophet’s appearance (see Wilson, 
Parsi Religion, p. 481). It is to be regretted that M. de Morgan (iv. 
310; observe his note) does not especially discuss the figure. For 
the sake of sentiment we should, perhaps, best like to imagine that 
the whole group really represents a Sassanian conception of a scene 
from the Holy War of Zoroastrianism, in which the great High 
Priest figured so prominently, and to which Kiash alludes in his 
‘tradition’; but, after all, we should have to acknowledge that this 
is due, perhaps, to our sentiment and fancy.t 

The whole subject of the portraiture of Zoroaster requires further 
investigation.? Much will doubtless be added on this question from 
time to time.’ Let us hope especially that additional information 


1 Murray’s Handbook of Asia Minor, 
Transcaucasia, Persia, etc., London, 
1895, p. 327, merely gives the common 
statement that this is a ‘ Sassanian 
panel, which is supposed to represent 
the investiture of Shaptr I. with part of 
the kingdom, by his father, Ardeshir.’ 

2 A figure has been published as a 
portrait of Zoroaster in Dr. Wallace 
Wood’s Hundred Greatest Men, p. 125, 
London, 1885, but I have not been 
able to find authority for attributing 
the likeness to Zoroaster. It repre- 
sents the head of a grave-faced priest 
and counsellor, with the familiar mitre- 
shaped pontifical head-covering of Sas- 
sanian times. On p.496 of the volume, 
a note is added that the figure is copied 
from a bas-relief at Persepolis. Men- 
tion is made of Thomas, Harly Sas- 
sanian Inscriptions. The portrait is 
reproduced as a frontispiece to an ar- 
ticle on Mazdaism in the Open Court, 
xi. 129, Chicago, 1897. In a follow- 


ing number of The Open Court, xi. 
378, a Parsi, N. F. Bilimoria, writes 
that the portrait was new to him and 
to his co-religionists. As an ideal it 
is good ; but it seems to lack traditional 
authority. I may learn more about it. 
3 At the moment when I am send- 
ing the final proof-sheets to the press, 
there arrives from my friend Professor 
Charles R. Lanman, of Harvard Uni- 
versity, a prospectus of an important 
work just issued by Mr. Quaritch of 
London, and the Harvard Library 
kindly forwards to me the magnificent 
facsimile. It is entitled A Florentine 
Picture- Chronicle by Maso Finiguerra, 
and it is a reproduction of a fifteenth 
century folio of Italian drawings now 
in the British Museum. Among these 
drawings are ‘14. Zoroaster,’ ‘49. Oro- 
masdes raising the Dead,’ and ‘ 50. Hos- 
tanes.’ The ‘Zoroaster’ is a typical 
magician with books of black art and 
imps rather than an antique sage. 


294 APPENDIX VII 


or suggestion on this special theme may be obtained particularly 
from the Zoroastrians themselves. Any material that can be found 
to throw more light on the problem will be welcomed. The subject 
is one that is worthy of earnest consideration because it stands, in a 
certain manner, for an ideal. I shall be glad if these notes have 
contributed anything by drawing attention to this interesting theme 
for research. And with these words I close the book, adding only 
a line which the Pahlavi scribes of old liked to add in the colophon: 


Frajaft pavan drit va satih va ramisn. 








INDEX 


LIST OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 


[The numbers refer to the pages] 


A 


Abbasabad, 216. 

Abdias, text quoted, 257-259. 

Abode of Vishtaspa, 58. 

Abulfaraj, 167. 

Abulfeda, 201. 

Achaemenians, 134, 160, 172, 219. 

Adarbaijan, 17, 38, 39, 40, 48, 49, 96, 
168, 171, 192, 198-201 (especially as 
Z.’s birthplace), 220-221. See also 
Atropatene, Atiir-patakan, and Air- 
yana Vaéjah. 

Adharjushnas, 198. 

/mneas of Gaza, text quoted, 248. 

Aéyatak river, 40, 41. 

Afer, text quoted, 245. 

Aganaces or Azonaces, teacher of Z., 
30. 

Agathias, 6n.6; 12; text quoted, 248. 

Age of Zoroaster, 15 and Appendix II. 

Ahartib6-st6t6, 137. 

Ahmad al-Baladhuri, quoted, 198. 

Ahriman, flees at Z.’s birth, 27. See 
also Anra Mainyu. 

ahumbis, 79 n. 2. 

Ahuna Vairya, 51. 

Ahura Mazda selects Z. as prophet, 27. 
See also 97, 171. 


Airyana Vaéjah, 193, 196. See also 
Adarbaijan. 
Airan Véj. See Airyana Vaéjah and 


Adarbaijan. 
Airyama Ishya, 97 n. 1. 
Akhtya, Akht, 44 n. 2; 84, 187, 181. 








Alak, home of the Spitamas, 24, 192. 

Albiriini, 7, 141, 161, 174. 

Alborz Mts., scene of a conference, 47. 

Alcuin, text quoted, 252. 

Alexander the Great, 134, 188, 1389, 
158, 161, 162, 163, 181. 

Alexander Polyhistor, 
233. 

Allusions to Z. in Arabic, ete., 280- 
286; in Snorra Edda, 286-287. 

“Auapdos, 211. 

Ameretat confers with Z., 49. 

Ammianus Marcellinus, 167, 188, 207, 
213 ; text quoted, 244. 

Amshaspands, 41, 42 ; conferences with 
Zi 2 Oe 

Amiurdat. See Ameretat. 

Anathemas, quoted, 253. 

Ancestry of Z., 17 seq. 

Ancestral tree of Z., 19, 20. 

Ancient Persian Inscriptions, Z. not 
mentioned in, 5. 

Andariman, 109, 110. 

AnGsh-adhar, 113. 

Anquetil du Perron, quoted, 85 and 
n. 3; 148; on Z.’s date, 175. 

Anya Mainyu, 51. 

Apocryphal literature, 4. 

Apocryphal New Testament, 97. 

Apostles of Z., 136 seq. 

Apuleius, 6n. 6; 7n. 5,n.6; quoted, 
169 ; text quoted, 287. 

Apuscorus, 138. 

Arabic allusions to Z.’s date, 16, 161 
seq.; to Z. in general, 281. 


text quoted, 


297 


298 


Arabic form Armiah, 197. 

Arabic sources of information as to 
Z., 6 et passim, 281. 

Arag, 192. 

Arak, home of the Spitamas, 24, 192. 

Aras, Araxes, 194 n. 2. 

Arastai, 54. 

Arasti, 20. 

Araxes, 221. 

Archangels come to Z., 41, 42, 65 seq,, 
207. 

Archetype copy of Avesta, 76, 97, 
117, 224. 

Ardashir, son of Vishtasp, 112, 115. 

Ardashir Dirazdast, 1338, 178, 159, 
160. 

Arejat-aspa and Holy Wars, 103-105 ; 
leader of Hyaonians, 104; ultimatum 
to Vishtaspa, 107 ; invades Iran, 108 ; 
situation of his kingdom, 213; his 
two invasions of Iran, 214, 221-222. 
See also Arjasp. 

Aristotle, 8, 152; cited under Pliny 
and Diog. Laertius, 234, 241. 

Aristoxenus, cited under Origen, 240. 

Arjasp, 66; his warlike message, 108 ; 
second invasion of Iran, 118 seq. ; 
date of defeat, 181; scene of bat- 
tles against Vishtasp, 218; possible 
sculptured representation of Arjasp, 
292. See also Arejat-aspa. 

Armaiti, 83. 

Armenian references to Z., 6. 

Armenian form of Z.’s name, 18. 

Armenian allusions to Z., translations, 
274-278. 

Armiah (Urmiah), 30, 197. 

Armiah. See also Jeremiah. 

Army of Arjasp, 109 seq. ; of Vishtasp, 
109 seq. 

Arnij-bareda, 20 n. 3. 

Arnobius, 156, 187; text quoted, 242. 

Artashir, religious monarch, 82, 138. 

Artavahisht6, 128, 136. 

Arta Viraf, quoted, 157. 

Artaxerxes Longimanus, 134, 160. 

Arim. See Rim, 117. 





INDEX 


Arzrouni, Thomas, allusions to Z. 
quoted, 217, 276-278. 

Asbanbur, town, 59 n. 2. 

Ascoli, quoted, 149. 

Ashak, 22. 

Ashavahisht, 24. 
hishta. 

Asha Vahishta confers with Z., 47. 

Ashavahishtd, 67. See also Asha 
Vahishta, Artavahishto. 

Ashta-aurvant, 103. 

Asia Minor, 84, 88. 

Asm6-hyanvat, 137. 

Asmok-khanvat6, 137, 181. 

Asnayvad Mt., 48, 100, 207. 

Asoka, 37. 

aspa, in names, 14 n. 1. 

aspanvar, 59 n. 2; 209. 

Assassins, 222. 

Astrampsychus, 158. 

Atash-gahs, 98, 101. 

Athenocles, text quoted. 
thias, 249. 

Atropatene, 16, 22, 141, 177, 196, 211. 
See also Adarbaijan. 

Atir Birzhin Mitré, 100. 

Atur Farnbag, 99. 

Atir Gishnasp, 100. 

Atar-patakan, 192, 204. See also 
Adarbaijan, Airyana Vaéjah. 

Augustine, 188; text quoted, 246. 

Attharmazd. See Ahura Mazda. 

Auramazda, 171, 172. 

Airviitai-dang, 39 n. 1; 48, 207. 

Aitrvaité-dih, the Tir, 33. 

Aurvasara, 215 and n. 3. 

Aurvat-aspa, or Lohrasp, 78, 180; 
destroys Jerusalem, 91 n. 2; asso- 
ciated with Nebuchadnezzar, 162, 
209. 

Ayaraoshtri, 22. 

Avesta and Zand, 7. 

Avesta, source of information, 5; arche- 
type copy written down by Jamasp, 
76, 97, 117, 224; as a sacred book, 
283-284. 

Ayuso, referred to, 149. 


See also Asha Va- 


See Aga- 


LIST OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 


Azhi Dahaka, 11 n. 1; 52 n. 2. 
Azonaces or Aganaces, 30. 


Baal, 157. 

Babylon and Jewish exile, 11; seat of 
tyranny, ll n.1. See also 90-92. 
Babylonian exile or captivity, 142, 176. 
Bactria, 73, 141, 155, 160, 171, 177, 
184, 196 n. 1; as scene of Z.’s min- 
istry, 186-188, 208-218. See also 
220 seq. Compare likewise Balkh. 

Bactrian camel, 14 n. 1. 

Bactrian kingdom, 11. 

Bahman. See Vohtiman, son of Spend- 
dat. 

Bahman Yasht, quoted, 214. 

Balaam, name associated with Z.., 
16 n. 3; 157, 287. 

Balkh, 38, 86, 89, 180, 141, 199-201, 
283; Vishtaspa’s conversion at, 60 ; 
Vishtaspa at, 107 ; portrait of Z. re- 
puted to be at, 209, 289 seq. Com- 
pare likewise 116, 118, 119. See 
furthermore, 213, 214. 

Bapél, 91. See also Babylon. 

Baruch, 197 ; identified with Z., 30. 

Bar, 215. 

Bar ‘Ebhraya, quoted, 201. 

Bartholomae, cited, 14 n. 2. 

Bashiitan. See Peshdtanu. 

Basil, text quoted, 244. 

Bastavairi, a hero in first Holy War, 
105, 112, 118, 116, 121, 122. 

Bastvar. See Bastavairi. 

Battles, of first Holy War, 114 seq. ; 
of second Holy War, 120 seq. ; be- 
tween Vishtaspa and Arejat-aspa, 
214, 218. 

Beh-Afrid, 72. 

Beidawi, cited, 220. 

Béndva, anathematized, 44. 

Berosos, cited by Agathias, 249. 

bharadvaja, 14. 

Bia-Pis, 211. 

Bias, Hindu sage (Vyasa), 88, 284-285. 

Bidrafsh, 109, 110, 111, 115. 





299 


Binaliid Kuh, 216. 

Biras, Bias, 284-285. 

Birjand, 215. 

Birth of Z., 26. 

Birthplace of Z., 16 seq. and App. II. 

Bishtasp. See Vishtaspa. 

Black horse, healed, 62. 

Blind man, healed, 94. 

Brahman Cangranghacah, 85. 

Brahmanical cord, 32 n. 2. 

Bratar-vakhsh. See Bratrok-résh. 

Bratrok-résh, Bratar-vakhsh, 28, 127- 
129; plots against Z., 31. 

Brisson, cited, 147. 

Brodbeck, referred to, 149. 

Browne, E. G., 288-289. 

Buddha, 1-2, 17, 18, 51, 140, 176, 177. 

Buddhism, 135. 

Biuiti, 51. 

Bindahishn, quoted, 18-21, 123, 158, 
193, 216. 

Burnouf, cited, 148. 

Burzin-kuris, Z.’s teacher, 30. 

Burzhin MitrG fire, 100, 216. 

Bist, 137. 


C 


Cabul, 99, 217. See also Kabul. 
Caécista, 195, 197,204. See Urumiah. 
Cakhshni or Cikhshnush, 18, 19. 
Cambyses, 167. 

Camel, in proper names, 14. 

Cangranghacah, 85-88, 209, 284. 

Cangranghacah Namah, 85-88, 209. 

canraihac, 87. 

Casartelli, quoted, 149; on Z.’s date, 
175. 

Caspian Sea, 207, 219, 220, 223; Z. in 
that region, 46; scene of Arejat- 
aspa’s sacrifice, 211. See also Vou- 
rukasha. 

Cassel, P., quoted, 149. 

Cassianus Bassus, text quoted, 249. 

Cave, in Z.’s religion, 34, 190, 194 n. 1. 

Cedrenus, 126. See Georgius Cedre- 
nus, 251. 


300 


Cephalion, cited, 12, 187; referred to 
by Georg. Syncell., 252. 

Chaldean oracles, 259-273. 

Chares of Mitylene, 75, 220. 

Chariot, symbol of the religion, 135, 

Chavannes, M. Ed., on a Chinese allu- 
sion to Z., 279-280. 

Children of Z., 21. 

China, Z. in, 39. 

Chinese form of Z.’s name, 280. 
Chinese references to Z. in general, 6 
n. 2; given in translation, 278-280. 

Chinese reference for dating Z., 165. 

Chionite, 213, 220-221. See also 
H’yaona. 

Christianity and Zoroastrianism, 1. 

Christ’s coming foretold, 98, 201. 

Chronicon Alexandrinum, 126, 190. 

Chronicon Paschale, 126, 190 ; quoted, 
251. 

Chronology of Persians, 172 seq. 

Chrysostomus, text quoted, 245. 

Chureh Fathers, comparison of Phl. 
literature to patristic writings, 5. 

Cicero, 7 n. 4, 5; quoted, 169. 

Cigav, 22. 

Cikhshnush or Cakhshni, 18, 19. 

Cist, 198 and n. 1; 204. 

Ciz, 197. See also Shiz. 

Classical references to Z. in general, 
6 and App. V.; to Z.’s asceticism, 
34; to Z.’s date, 15, 152-157; to 
Z.’s native place, 186-191; to Z.’s 
death, 125 seq. 

Claudian, text quoted, 247. 

Clemens Alexandrinus, 6n.6; 7n. 5; 
189; quoted, 169 ; text quoted, 240. 

Clemens Romanus, text quoted, 288. 

Clementine Homilies, 125, 147. 

Clementine Recognitions, 125, 147. 

Comisene, 99. 

Comparison between Buddha and Zo- 
roaster, 1-2. 

Conferences with Archangels or Am- 
shaspands, 46-50, 207. 

Confucius, 1, 176. 

Conspiracy against Z., 62. 








INDEX 


Conversion of Vishtaspa, 56 seq.; of 
the Brahman Cangranghacah, 85-88 ; 
of Lohrasp, 78; of Zarir, 78. 

Conversions in Greece, 88-89 ; in India, 
84; in Turan, 83. 

Convert, Z.’s first, 37. See also Maidh- 
yoi-maonha. 

Cotelerius, text quoted, 253. 

Country of Z. discussed, 182-205. 

Court of Vishtaspa, 74. 

Crusade, 210. 

Ctesias, 155, 187 ; material in Diodorus 
Siculus, Georg. Syncell., 232, 252. 
Curzon, Hon. G. N., 39 n. 5; 216 

n. 2; 3. 

Cypress of Kishmar, 80, 217. 

Cyril, referred to, 169; text quoted, 
246. 

Cyrus, 91 n. 2; his name associated 
with Lohrasp, 209 ; his death,‘177. 


D 


Dabistan, quoted, 58-59, 89-90 n. 5; 
163, 202, 285. 

Dadvo, 128. 

Dahak, 91. 

Daiti. See Daitya. 

Daitya, Daiti, Daitih, river, 40, 42, 45, 
49, 196-197, 221; suggested identifi- 
cation, 211. 

Dakiki, a thousand lines by, incorpo- 
rated in the Shah Namah, 5 n. 2; 
mentioned, 109 ; drawn upon by Fir- 
dausi, 104, 208; end of quotation in 
Sh. N., 118. 

Dara, Darai, 158, 159, 161, 163. 

Darab D. P. Sanjana, on Z.’s date, 177. 

Daraja, 193, 195. See Dareja. 

Darbisht (?), 97, 224 n. 2. 

Darej. See Dareja. 

Dareja, Darej, river, 34, 49, 52, 193, 
196, 204. 

Darius, 167, 171; as Mazda-worship- 
per, 134. 

Darmesteter’s view of Z., 3 n.1; D. 
quoted, 149. 


LIST OF NAMES 


Darshinika, 103. 

Daryai Rid, 195. 

Dasatir, text allusions quoted, 282-286. 

Date of Z., 14 seq. and App. II.; dis- 
cussed, App. II., 150-178. 

Davidson, Dr. T., 41 n. 3. 

Dayiin (Séno), 157 n. 6. 

Death of Z., 119, 124 seq.; at Balkh, 
130. 

Deinon, 8, 147; cited under Diogenes 
Laertius, 241. 

Departure (death) of Z., 128. 

Derivation of name Z., 147-149. 

Devadatta, 37. 

Development of Z.’s religion, 95 seq. 

Devéria, M. G., on a Chinese allusion 
to Z., 279-280. 

Devil-worshippers, 228. See also Yezi- 
dis. 

Dinawar, 95. 

Dinkart, as source for Z.’s life, 5; its 
account of miracles, 24; quoted, 24, 
41, 96, 107, 211 n. 3. 

Dio Chrysostom, 34; text quoted, 236. 

Diodorus of Eretria, cited by Origen, 
240. 

Diodorus Siculus, 12; text quoted, 232. 

Diogenes Laertius, 6 n. 6; 9, 154, 189; 
text quoted, 241. 

Disciples of Z., 98, 137. 

Doctor Faustus, parallel, 31. 

Dosabhai Framji Karaka, 33 n. 4. 

Dighdav6, Dikday, Daktaibso, Dugh- 
di, Dughdéva, 18, 25, 192, 199. 

Dughdi, see preceding. 

Diktaub, 25; see also preceding. 

Duncker, referred to, 220. 

Dirasrobo, a Karap, 28; plots against 
Z., 31; his death, 32. 


E 


Early religious propaganda, 80 seq. 

Eicbatana, 11. 

Edda, Snorra, quoted, 6 n. 8 ; 157; text 
alluding to Z., 286-287. 

Eliszeus, Armenian allusions to Z., 275. 





AND SUBJECTS 301 

Epiphanius of Constantia, 188; text 
quoted, 244. 

Era of Z. discussed, 150-178. 

Erezraspa, 136. 

Etymology of Z.’s name, 125-126 ; dis- 
cussed, 147-149. 

Eubulus, cited by Porphyrius, 242. 

Euchologion. See under Anathemas, 
258. 

Eudemus of Rhodes, cited by Diogenes 
Laertius, 242. 

Eudoxus of Cnidus, 8, 152, 153; cited 
by Pliny and Diogenes Laertius, 254, 
242. 

Eusebius, 187-188 ; quoted, 156 ; text 
given, 243. 

Eutychius, quoted, 167-168. 

Eyents after Z.’s death, 133 seq. 

Exile of Jews, 11. 

Eznik, Armenian allusions to Z., 276. 


F 


Family of Z., 10-22. 

Faris (Persia), 200. 

Fariimad, 216. 

Farnbag fire, 99, 217, 222. 

Farshidvard, 112 n. 8; 116, 119, 120, 
214, 

Farvadin Yasht, gives list of converts, 
54. 

Ferghanah, 39, 200, 206. 

Feridtin, 199. 

Firdausi, 208, 210; author of Shah 
Namah, 5; draws on Dakiki, 104; 
especially referred to, 109, 118, 208, 
210. 

Fire of the priests, 99 ; of Z., 216. 

Fires, fire-temples, 98-100, 283 ; of Z., 
location, 222. 

Fire-worshippers in Shiz, 197. 

Floigl, on Z.’s date, 175. 

Florentine Picture-Chronicle, 293 n. 3. 

Form of Z.’s name, 12-15. 

Founder of the Magi, Z., 6. 

Fraoreta, 222. Cf. also Fravartish, 
Phraortes. 


302 


Frashaoshtra, name, 14 n. 1; 21, 22; 
as vizir, 76, 181; his death, 136. 
Frash-him-vareta, 112 n. 8; 120 n. 1. 
Frashékara, Frashé-kareta, 112 n. 8. 
Frashoshtar, 77. See Frashaoshtra. 
Frata, 22. 
Fravartish, 141, 172, 222. 
Fraoreta, Phraortes. 
Fravasi, 23, 24, 83, 141, 152. 
Frazdanava, 210, 211, 220, 221. 
Fréni, daughter of Z., 21. 
Frén6, 187. 
Froba, fire, 99. 
Froébak, fire, 217. 
Fryana, 83-84. 


See also 


See Farnbag. 
See Farnbag. 


Gaévani, 22. 

Ganavat, 216. 

Gaotema, 177-178. 

Garami, 113, 115. 

Gathas, or Z. Psalms, 5, 23, 30, 38, 41, 
42, 44, 46, 54, 67, 69 n. 1 (references 
to Vishtaspa); 75, 83. 

Geiger, 104 n.2; 186 n. 2; 213. 

Geldner, quoted, 2; view as to Z.’s 
date, 175. 

Genealogy of Z., 18. 

Geoponica, text quoted, 249. 


Georgius Cedrenus, 126. See also 
Chron. Pasch., 251. 
Georgius Hamartolus, 126. See also 


Chron. Pasch., 251, 254. 

Georgius Syncellus, 158, 154, 155, 190; 
text quoted, 252. 

Ghazni, 211. 

Gilan, rivers in, 211. 

Gildan territory, 213, 222. 

Glycas, 126; text quoted, 256. 

Goarius, text quoted, 253. 

Gobryas, purported Magian, 8. 

Gobryas, 138. 

Gospels, quoted, 23. 

Gospel, spread of, 80 seq. 

Gottheil, cited, 6 n. 1 et passim ; espe- 
cially 280. 

Greco-Bactrian coins, 208. 


INDEX 


Gray, L. H., notes, 226, 259-261. 

Greece, 6,7; G. and Iran, 11; relations 
with Iran, 90. 

Greek accounts of Z.’s death, 124 seq. 

Greek conversions, fabled, 88-90. 

Greek forms of Z.’s name, 12. 

Gregorius, cited by Michael Glycas, 
256. 

Gregory of Tours, 126, 190; text quoted, 
250. 

Gréhma, 44. 

Guardian Spirit. See fravasi. 

Gumbadan, 118, 131. 

Gunabad, 216. 

Gurd6é, 121, 122. 

Gurgsar, 109, 110, 111. 

Gushasp. See Gishnasp. 

Gishnasp fire, 100. 

Gushtasp. See Vishtaspa. 


H 


Haécat-aspa, 18, 19, 75, 76. 

Ham, 125, 126, 157. 

Hamartolus, 126. See Georgius Hamar- 
tolus, 251, 254. 

Hamzah of Isfahan, quoted, 199, 224. 

Hanhaurvao, 22. 

Haoma appears to Z., 50. 

Haosrava, 215. 

Hara Berezaiti. See Alborz. 

Harlez, C. de, on Z.’s date, 175; view 
on original home of Zoroastrianism, 
219-220. 

Haug, quoted, 148; on Z.’s date, 175. 

Haurvatat confers with Z., 49. 

Healing of a blind man by Z., 94. 

Hecateus, cited by Diog. Laert., 242. 

Hellanicus of Lesbos, cited by Georg. 
Syncell., 252. 

Heraclides Ponticus, 8; also cited by 
Plutarch, Anathemas, and Petrus 
Siculus, 286, 253. 

Herennius, or Philo of Byblus. See 
under Eusebius, 243. 

Hermippus, 152, 153; cited by Pliny, 
234; Diog. Laert., 242. 


LIST OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 


Hermodorus, 6 n. 6; his reputed Ma- 
gian studies, 90; cited by Diog. 
Laert., 241. 

Herodotus, on Magi, 7; does not men- 
tion Z., 8 (see also 35, 155) ; is cited 
by Georg. Syncell., 252. 

Hieronymus, text quoted, 245. 

Hilmend, 137 n. 5. 

Hilmend, Hérmand, 212 n. 2. 

Hindis, 117. 

Hindus, converted, 84, 87. 

Hindustan, 117. 

Hirth, Dr. F., on Z. in Chinese litera- 
ture, 278-279. 

Historical personage, Z. 
3-4. 

Holy Communing Ones, 34, 194 n. 1; 
195. 

Holy War, first, 108 seq. ; second, 120 
seq. 

Holy Wars, 103 seq. ; summarized, 122. 
See also 210, 213, 217. 

Hom. See Haoma. 

Home of Z., 16 seq., 193 seq. 

Hom-plant, fravasi in it, 25. 

Hodm-water from Daitya, 41, 45. 

Horn, view cited, 218. 

Hosthanes (Ostanes), 138, 238, 243. 

Houtum-Schindler, quoted, 100, 218, 
216. 

Hrazdan, 211, 220 n. 5; 221. 

Hugo de St. Victore, text quoted, 188, 
255. 

Huma, 72. 

Himai. See Huma. 

Himai, 158, 159, 163, 209. 

Humak, 115. 

Humayaka, 103. 

Huns, 221, 222. 

Hunu, a Karap, 48. 

Hishdiv, 109, 110, 112. 

Hushyaothna, 22. 

Hutaosa, 68, 70, 193 n. 2. 

Hitds. See Hutaosa. 

Huvaxsatara, 222. 

Hvyadaéna, 22. 

Hvarecithra, son of Z., 21. 


as such, 


308 


hvaranah, 24. 

Hyobas, 136. 

Hvogva, 22, 76, 77. 

Hvovi, wife of Z., 21, 22, 76. 

Hvovid family tree, 22. 

H'yaona, 108, 115, 123, 218, 220-222, 
224, 

Hyaonians led by Arejat-aspa, 104. 

Hyrcania, 219. 

Hystaspes, same name as Vishtiaspa, 
16, 167, 171; his relations to India, 
207. See alsa 220. 


I 


Jamblichus, 7 n. 5. 

Ibn al-Athir, 38, 39, 166 ; quoted, 199- 
200. 

Ibn al-Hamadhani, quoted, 198. 

Ibn Khurdadhbah, quoted, 198. 

Image of Z., purported, 288-293. 

India, 11, 207; Z. in, 39; conversions 
in, 84; relations to Persia, 87 n. 1; 
210 n. 4. 

Interviews with Archangels or Amsha- 
spands, 46-50, 207. 

Invasion by Arjasp, 108-109. 

Iran at Z.’s time, 10-11; spread of re- 
ligion in, 82; enmity with Turan, 
108; eastern, 218-219; western, 
202-205. 

Iranian sources of information, 5. 

Iranian tradition of Z.’s death, 127. 

Isat-vastra, son of Z., 21. 

Isfendiar, Spentd-data, 67, 72, 77-78, 
82, 84, 105, 112, 118, 283; as cru- 
sader, 117; is calumniated, 117 ; im- 
prisoned, 125; his death, 121. See 
also 134, 158. 

Isidorus, 188 ; text quoted, 251. 

Istakhr, 91 n. 3; 97, 219-220, 222, 224 
n. 2. 

Isvant, 83. 


J 


Jagatai, 119, 216. 
Jamasp. See Jamaspa. 


304 


Jamaspa, 67, 75 n. 2; 76, 77, 86, 108, 
120, 181; son-in-law of Z., 21, 22; 
writes down the Avesta, 117; his 
death, 136, 187. 

jaradgava, 14. 

jaratkdru, 14. 

Jemshéd, 11 n. 1; 23, 99. 

Jeremiah, 168, 165, 166, 197-198 ; re- 
puted as teacher of Z., 30, 38. 

Jerome, text quoted, 245. 

Jerusalem destroyed by Lohrasp, 91 
1D 

Jews, captivity of, 11. 

Jihin, Oxus, 114, 218, 214. 

Johannes Lydus, 247. 

Johannes Malalas, 126. 
Pasch., 251. 

Judaism, alluded to, 1, 142. 

Justi, view cited, 141; on Z.’s date, 
175; view on Z.’s native place, 221- 
222. 

Justin, quoted, 156, 187; text given, 
237. 


See Chron. 


K 


K in Greek names. See C. 

Kabul, Kavul, 99, 217. 

Kai. See Kavi. 

Kain, 215. 

Kai Us, 24. 

Kama, K. R., on Z.’s date, 175. 

Kandar, 120. 

Karaka, Dosabhai Framji, cited, 289. 

Karaps, 28, 42. 

Kataytin, 71, 73. 

Katha-sarit-sagara, cited, 27 n. 4. 

Kavarazem, 117. 

Kavig, son of Ktindah, 94, 181. 

Kavis and Karpans, 28. 

Kavul, Kabtil, 99, 217. 

Kayanian, home of the dynasty, 211. 

Kazwini, 84; quoted, 195, 201. 

Kerdti, 121, 122. 

Kern on Z. as a mythical personage, 
Gh iols Ie 

Khallakh, Khallukh, 107, 109, 116, 218. 

Khashash, 109, 110. 


INDEX 


Khatai, 214. 

Khorasmia, 99. 

Khorassan 94, 100, 116, 118, 119, 123, 
141, 214-218. 

Khordad, 99. 

Khshathra Vairya, confers with Z., 47. 

Khir, 128. 

Khirdat. See Haurvatat. 

Khurrad, 99. 

Khyandamir, 219. 

Khvyarizem, 217. 

Khyon. See H’yaona. 

Kiash, Kawasjee, Dinshah, quoted, 291. 

Kig. See Kavi. 

Kigs and Karaps, 28, 42. 

Kishmar, cypress of, 80, 97, 100, 217. 

Kitabtin, 71, 738. See Kataytn. 

Kizel Uzen river, ancient Daitya(?), 
41, 49, 207, 211. 

Knowledge, Z.’s scientific, 96. 

Koran, 142. 

Kroll, authority cited, 260-261. 

Kuhram, 109, 110, 111, 120, 122. 

Kimis, 99. 

Kimish, 216. 

Kindah, 94. 

Kurazm, 117. 

Kusti, assumed by Z., 32. 

Kyaxares, 222. 


L 


Lactantius, 7 n. 5; 190; quoted, 
154. 

Lagarde, referred to, 220. 

Lalita Vistara, 26. 

Lanman, referred to, 8n.4; 293 n. 3. 

Lassen, 12 n. 2; 148. 

Latin accounts of Z.’s death, 124 seq. 

Lehmann, view cited, 221. 

Logia of Z., 8, 168, 259-278. 

Lohrasp, 78; crowns Vishtaspa, 73 ; 
destroys Jerusalem, 91 n. 2; death, 
118, 180-131, 212; name associated 
with Nebuchadnezzar, 162, 209. See 
199-201. See also Auryat-aspa. 

Lord, Henry, cited, 148. 

Losses in the Holy Wars, 116. 


LIST OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 


Lucian, 7n. 5; 169; text quoted, 237. 
Lydus, Johann., text quoted, 247. 


M 


Madofryat, 216. 

Magi, Z. an arch-representative, 6; 
Median tribe, Z. as founder, 7; 
reputed teachers of Pythagoras and 
Plato; 7; 8: 

Magian worship, 7; doctrines, 90; fire- 
worship, 98; priests, 188; priest- 
hood, 141, 142. 

Magians, 195. 

Magika Logia of Z., 259-273. 

Maidydimanha, Maidhydi-maonha, Z.’s 
cousin and first convert, 13 n.6; 20, 
37, 54, 75, 1387, 180, 196, 206. 

Majdi, cited, 220. 

Malalas, Johann., 126. 
Pasch., 251. 

Malcolm, Sir John, quoted, 290. 

Manicheism, 142. 


See Chron. 


Manichzans, anathemas against, 
quoted, 253. 
Manishcihar. See Manush-cithra, 


Manush-cithra, 18, 119, 193. 
Marcellinus, text quoted, 244. 
Marriage, next-of-kin, 43. 

Masidi, quoted, 162-163 ; on date of Z., 
178; text quoted, 199. 

Mazda-worship, 134. 

Meaning of name Spitdma, 138; of Z.’s 
name, 12-14, 147-149. 

Medes, 176. 

Media, 17, 22, 738, 141, 142, 184, 189- 
190, 196 n. 1; 206, 218, 224; view as 
to Z.’s ministry, 219-222 ; view as to 
cradle of Z.’s faith, 219; Media 
Atropatene, 51, 192; see also Adar- 
baijan; Media Rhagiana, 51, 197, 
206 ; see also Rai. 

Median kingdom, 11; origin of Visht- 
aspa, 213. 

Mery, 114, 214, 225. 

Mesh-hed, 215. 

Messiah, idea of, 21. 


x 


305 


Métydmah, cousin of Z., 40. See also 
Maidhyoi-maonha. 

Michael Glycas, 126, 190, 256. 

Mihr, town, 100. 

Mills, view on Gathas, 217-218. 

Ministry, Z. enters upon his, 35, 36. 

Miracles before Z.’s birth, 24. 

Mirkhond, 34, 215 n. 5. 

Mithra, 100; cult, 34 n. 3; possible 
representation of, 292. 

Mithraic mysteries, 194 n. 1. 

Miyan-i dasht, 216. 

Modi, J. J., cited, 178. 

Mohammed, 206 ; beholds Gabriel, 40. 

Mohammedan conquest, 138. 

Mohammedan calendar, 164. 

Mohammedan allusions to Z., 280-282. 

Mohammedan writers on Z.’s native 
place, 197-201. 

Moses of Khorene, 187 ; his allusions to 
Z. given, 274-275. 

Moslem power, 142. 

Mother of Z., 18, 20. 

Mountain of Holy Communing, 34, 
194 n. 1. 

Mujmal al-Tawarikh, 164, 281. 

Miiller, Fr., quoted, 148; F. Max, 179. 

Mirdat. See Ameretat. 

Mythological view of Z., criticised, 3. 


N 


Nahid. See Katayutn. 

Naidhyah Gaotema, 177-178. 

Naksh-i Rustam, 292. 

Name Zarathushtra, 12. 

Name of Zoroaster, 12 seq. ; discussed, 
147-149. 

Namkhvast, 107, 111, 112. 

Naotairya, 70. 

Naotairyans, 193 n. 2; 222. 

Nariman, 22. 

Nask, 136. 

Nasks, books of Avesta, 8, 95. 

Nastir. See Bastavairi. 

Native place of Z., 16 seq. ; discussed, 
182-205. 


306 


Nebuchadnezzar, 162; associated with 
Lohrasp, 209. 

Neo-Platonic school, 142. 

Nérydsang, an angel, 66. 

Néyzar, 113, 115. 

Next-of-kin marriages, 43. 

Nicolaus of Damascus, 282 ; 
168. 

Nimrod, 125. 

Nineveh, fall of, 11. 

Ninus and Z., 15, 151, 154-157, 186- 
188, 217, 274-278. 

Niszea, 98. 

Nishapir, 98, 100, 119, 215-216. 

Niyétish, brother of Z., 20. 

Niyatis, 89, 90. 

Nizami, his Iskander Namah, 282. 

Noédhas, 178. 

Non-Iranian sources of information as 
tOrZieg, Os 

Notar, Notars, 135, 192, 204, 210, 222. 

Notariga, brother of Z., 20. 

Nuarakh, 89. 

Nish-Adar, 118, 118, 129. 


quoted, 


O 
Odatis, 73. 
Oppert, quoted, 148. 
Oracles of Zoroaster, text given, 259- 


273. 


Ordeal established, 97. 

Origen, quoted, 189; 
240. 

Ormazd (Ormizd), 277; picture, 291. 
See Ahura Mazda. 

Ormazd, son of Vishtasp, 113. 

form of Z.’s name, 


text quoted, 


’"Qpdacros, Gk. 


12. 
‘Qpoudodns, 171. 
Oroomiah. See Caécista. 


Orosius, 127, 188; quoted, 156; text 
quoted, 246. 

Orpheus, 235. 

Ostanes, 138; cited under Pliny and 
under Eusebius, 234, 248. 

Oxus, 114, 213, 214. 

Oxyartes, 155. 


INDEX 


E 


Padashkhvargar, 216. 

Pahlavi form of Z.’s name, 13. 

Pahlavi literature as a source of infor- 
mation, 5, 23; references to Visht- 
aspa, 62 n. 2. 

Pakhad, 22. 

Palestine, 197; according to some, Z. 
a native of, 38, 197. 

Panodorus, cited by Georg. Syncellus, 
252. 

Pars, 215. 

Parshatgao, Parshat-gau, 22, 207 n. 1; 
212. 

Parsis, 33, 188, 142. 

Patiragtarasp6, 20. 

Pat-khusray, 112, 115. 

Pazates, 138. 

Persepolis, 97, 220, 224. 

Persia, 95, 141-142, 171, 184-185, 189- 
190; in Chinese literature, 279- 
280. 

Persian lawgiver, 11. 

Persian spellings of Z.’s name, 13. 

Persian wars, 7. 

Peshana, 103. 

Peshécingha, 103. 

Peshétan. See Peshdtanu. 

Peshotanu, 66, 113. 

Péshydtan. See Peshdtanu. 

Petrus Comestor, text quoted, 256. 

Philo of Byblos. See under Eusebius, 
243. 

Photius, text quoted, 254. 

Phraortes, 172, 222. See also Fra- 
oreta, Fravartish. 

Pictures of Z., reputed, 288-293. 

Plato, purported Zoroastrian studies, 
7n.6; reputed Magian studies, 90 ; 
referred to, 142; text quoted, 281. 

Platonic Alcibiades, 6n. 6; 9, 153, 189. 

Platonis Vita, quoted, 251. 

Pletho, Gemistus, 8. 

Pliny, 6n. 6; 188, 158, 169, 170, 189 ; 
mentions Z.’s birth, 27 ; text quoted, 
234. 


LIST OF NAMES 


Plutarch, 6n. 6; 8n. 4; quoted, 155, 
169 ; text given, 235. 

Polyhistor. See Alexander Polyhistor 
and Solinus Polyhistor, 255, 244, 252. 

Porphyrius, 7n. 5; 34, 189; quoted, 
169 ; text given, 242. 

Porter, Sir R. Ker, quoted, 289-290. 

Portraits of Z., purported, 289-293. 

Poricaist. See Pourucista. 

Porishasp6. See Pourushaspa. 

Pourucista, 13 n. 6; 75, 77; daughter 
of Z., 21, 22. 

Pourushaspa, 19, 20, 131, 192; father 





of Z., 24, 25, 29. 
Preaching of Z. begun, 42. 
Priests, their fire, 99. 
Procopius of Gaza, text quoted, 248. 
Prodicus, 8. 
Promulgation of the Gospel, 80 seq. 
Prophecies, of Z.’s coming, 28; of 
future events, 138. 
Prophecy of Christ by Z., 98. 
Prudentius, text quoted, 246. 
Aurelius Prudentius. 
Psalms of David, comparison, 75. 
Pirshasp. See Pourushaspa. 
Pythagoras, reputed study of Magian 
doctrines, 7. See also 90, 91, 142. 
Pyrea of Magi, 217. See also Fires, 
fire-temples. 


See 


Q 


Q, on Arabic forms in, see K. 


R 
Raga, 202 seq. 
‘Pdyar, 202. 
Ragh. See Rak, 204. 
Ragha, 17, 85, 192. 
Rai. See Ragha. 
Raja Bimbisara, 37. 
Rak, Ragh, 192-193. 
Rangishtar, brother of Z., 20. 
Ranha, 223. 
Ratishtar, brother of Z., 20. 
Rawlinson, G. and H., quoted, 148, 291. 





AND SUBJECTS 507 


Révand, 215. 

Ridge of Vishtasp, 216. 
R6th, on Z.’s date, 175. 
Roth, view cited, 218. 
Rudbar, 215 n. 5. 

Rim or Asia Minor, 84, 88. 
Rum, 99, 117, 210. 
Rustam, 121. 


Ss 


Sabalan Mt., 34, 195. 

Sacred fires, 98-100, 222. 

Sacrifices of Vishtaspa, 212-218. 

Saéna, 137 n. 6; 178. 

Saféd river, 41, 49. 

Saféd Rid, 211. 

Sagastin. See Seistan. 

Sahend Mts., 49. 

Saka-stana. See Seistan. 

Sama Keresaspa, 22. 

Samaria, 142. 

S/afikara-Acarya, 87. 

Sankarakas, 284. See also Cangrang- 
hacah. 

Saoshyant, 21. 

Savalan Mt., 195. 

Scene of battles between Vishtaspa and 
Arejat-aspa, 216. 

Scene of Z.’s ministry, 15; discussed, 
205-225, 

Scholasticus Bassus, text quoted, 249. 
See also Geoponica. 

Scholiast of the Platonic Alcibiades, 
34, 36 n. 2. 

Scholion to Plato, text quoted, 231. 

Schuyler, M., Jr., 178, 277. 

Scientific books of Z., 8. 

Scientific knowledge of Z., 95. 

Sculptured portraits of Z. reproduced, 
288 seq. 

Seistan, 17; Z.’s journey thither, 44, 
45; early propaganda there, 45 n. 3 ; 
212; other allusions, 82, 99, 118, 
131, 187, 207, 208, 214. 

Semiramis and Z., 15, 151, 154-157, 
186-187 ; war with Z., 217; her 
name associated with Z., 274-278. 


508 


Sén6, 187 and n. 6; 181, 212. 

Seven Conferences, 36 seq., 40. 

Shah Namah, a source of information 
regarding Z., 5 and n. 2; cited, 78 
n. 4; 80 et passim ; dates of dynas- 
ties, 164. 

Shahrastani, quoted, 94-95, 199. 

Shakspere-Bacon controversy as an 
illustration, 4. 

Shapan, 224. 

Shapigan, 97. 

Shaspigan, 224. 

Shatvér. See Khshathra Vairya. 

Shédasp, 118, 115. 

Shelley, view of Z., 50 n. 2. 

ShérGd, 112, 115. 

Shét river, 211 n. 3. 

Shikand-gimanik-Vijar, 57. 

Shiz. Cf. Caécista, Ciz, 195, 197, 201- 
202, 204. 

Shizigan, 224. 

Significance of Z.’s name, 18 seq. 

Simachus, cited under Agathias, 249. 

Simakos. See Symmachos. 

Smerdis, relation to Z.’s date, 167. 

Snorra Edda Preface, alludes to Z., 
text quoted, 151, 286-287. 

Socrates, 1. 

Solinus, text quoted, 244. 

Solinus Polyhistor, text quoted, 244. 

Soma and eagle myth, 25 n. 1. 

Ddoacrpos, variant of Z.’s name, 12 n. 2. 

Sources of information about Z.’s life, 
5; of material for Z.’s seven con- 
ferences, 38-40. 

Sovar, lake, 100. 

Spaeitita Razura, 215. 

Spéd river, 41, 49. 

Spelling of Zoroaster’s name, 12. 

Spend-dat. See Isfendiar. 

Spend Nask, referred to, 26. 

Spend-yat, for Spentd-data, 215. 

Spenta Armaiti confers with Z., 48. 

Spentd-data, mount, 118, 215. See also 
Isfendiar. 

Spanto-frasni, 34, 194 n. 1; 195. 

Spét-razhir, 214. 


INDEX 


Spiegel, on Z. as a historical personage, 
3 n. 1; view on original home of 
Zoroastrianism, 220. 

Spinjaurusha, 103. 

Spitama, 18. 

Spitama, name, 12, 13. 

Vrirapas, Vridduns, 13 n. 6. 

Spitamas, home of the, 24. 

Spiti, 136. 

Spread of the religion, 135-186. 

Sritd, 135, 180. 

Sritd, 137. 

Statue, purported to represent Z., 289- 
293. 

Successors of Z., 137. 

Suidas, 6 n. 6; 126; quoted, 154, 157, 
169, 190, 255. 

Su-lu-tsché, Chinese name of Z., 279. 

Sunkellos. See Georgius Syncellus. 

Symmachos (Simakos), cited by Aga- 
thias, 249. 

Syriac authors, quoted, 98, 165-166, 
288 ; sources of information as to Z., 
6, 280-282 et passim. 


db 

Tabari, 38; quoted, 166, 198, 209, 224 
n. 2. 

Tahmasp, 22. 

Tajan. See Tojan. 

Takht-i Bostan, reputed sculpture of 
Z. there, 289-292. 

Takht-i Suleiman, 195 n. 1. 

Tanais, 73. 

Tantra philosophy, 210 n. 4. 

Tathryavant, 103, 210 n. 4. 

Tejend river, 47 n. 5. 

Temples of fire. See Fire. 

Temptation of Z., paralleled in Bud- 
dhism and Christianity, 53; alluded 
to, 207. 

Thales, 161 ; contemporary of Z., 168. 

Theodoretus of Cyrus, text quoted, 247. 

Theodorus of Mopsuestia, cited under 
Photius, 254. 

Theologumena Arithmetica, text given, 
256. 


LIST OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 


Theon, quoted, 156, 187; text given, 
237. 

Theopompus, 8 ; reputed Magian stud- 
ies, 90; cited under Diogenes Laer- 
tius and Aineas of Gaza, 242, 248. 

Thomas Arzrouni, Armenian annalist, 
217; his allusions to Z., 276-278. 

Thomas, Edw., cited, 291. 

Thriti, daughter of Z., 21. 

Tianir, 89, 90. 

Tiele, quoted, 171-172 ; view cited, 218 
n. 5. 

Todjan water, conference at, 47. 

Tradition, importance of, 39. 

Turan, 11; conversions in, 83. 

Turan and Iran, enmity, 108. 

Turanians, storm Balkh, 212. 

Turbaraturhash, 131. 

Tur-i Bratarvakhs, 127-129. 

Tuar-i Bratrdk-résh, 127-129. 

Turkestan, 214. 

Turks, Z. among the, 39. 

Titianish, 89, 90, 283. 


U 


Ukhshyat-ereta, 21, 155. 

Ukhshyat-nemah, 21. 

‘Ulama-i Islam, 282. 

Urumiah, Z.’s reputed birthplace, 17, 
30, 48, 49, 96, 165, 197-198 ; Uru- 
miah Lake, 39 n.'5. 

Ururvija, grandson of Z., 20 n. 3; 21. 

Urvatatnara, son of Z., 21. 

Ws; Kar, 24. 

ustra in names, 14, 148, 149. 

UxSyat-ereta, 21, 155. 


Vv 


Vaédvoisht, not converted by Z., 43. 
Valerius Maximus, 7 n. 5; 169. 
Vandaremaini, 109. 

‘Var of Révand,’ 215. 

Varaza, 83. 

Varedhaka, 221. 

Vareshna, 22. 


309 


Vedantist philosopher, 87. 

Vedas, 178. 

Vendidad, 1. 15, quoted, 202-203 ; 19. 
1-10, translated, 51-53; 19. 11, 194; 
22. 19, 194 n. 1. 

Victorinus, text quoted, 245. See Afer. 

Victory, final, of Zoroastrianism, 121. 

Vidrafsh, envoy of Arejat-aspa, 107, 
115, 116. 

Vishtaspa, 151; (Vishtasp) patron of 
Z., 21; sought by Z., 38-39; abode 
of, 58, 223; meets Z., 59; has a vis- 
ion, 66; references to, in Gathas, 69 
n. 1; Pahlavi references to, 69 n. 2; 
his court, 57, 74; children and fam- 
ily, 71; his date, 158, 180-181, 199, 
201; springs from NoGtar, 193 n. 2; 
204; he is a daivhupaiti, 222; story 
of his youth, 72, 210 ; he goes toward 
Rim and later returns to Iran, 73, 
110 ; his residence and kingdom, 210, 
223 ; his meeting with Z. and his con- 
version, 37, 59 seq., 64 seq., 209; 
date of this event, 164; influence of 
his conversion, and rejoicing that he 
has received the religion, 74; his 
brother and father converted, 78; his 
religious zeal, 81; makes the religion 
current in the land, 81; founds fire 
temples, 98; removes the Farnbag 
fire to the east, 99; wars against 
Arejat-aspa, 102 seq. ; receives from 
Arejat-aspa an ultimatum, 107; in- 
vokes divine aid, 103; army, 112; 
first victory over Arjasp, 116; out- 
lives Z., 185 ; he is said to have been 
at Istakhr, 219-220 ; situation of the 
Ridge of Vishtaspa, 216. 

Vision, seen by Z. of the future, 97; 
by Vishtaspa, 66. 

Visions of Archangels (Amshaspands), 
46-50. 

Visraps, 135. 

Vita Platonis, text quoted, 231. 

Vohtiman. See Vohu Manah. 

Vohiiman, King. See Artashir, 82. 

Vohiman, son of Spend-dat, 1383, 158. 


310 


Vohu Manah, 83; brings Z.’s frava i, 
24; reveals himself to Z., 40, 41; 
his conference with Z., 46; leads Z. 
to Ahura Mazda, 36; protector of 
cattle, 46. 

Vohimans. See Vohu Manah. 

Vohtném, 137. 

Vohunemah, 22, 137. 

VohuStra, name, 14 n. 1. 

Vourukasha, 211. 

vrsan-as'vd, 100. 

Vyasa, 88, 284 n. 4. 


Ww 


War of Religion. See Holy Wars. 

Warren, W. R., 41 n. 3. 

Wars, Holy, 102 seq.; waged against 
Arejat-aspa, 103 seq.; number of, 
105 ; causes of the first, 106; events 
of the first, 105-118 ; Zairivairi, hero 
in the first, 105. 

West, E. W., cited, 5, 15, 45n.3; 47 
mp4) (560m. 2) 79 me 2s) Lem. Sis 
137 n. 5; on date of Z., 15, 174; on 
Zoroastrian chronology, 179-181. 

White Forest, 119; its location, 214- 
215. 

White India, 207 and n. 2. 
India. 

Wilhelm, E., cited, 84n. 2; view cited, 
221. 

Williams, Dr. F. W., 279. 

Windischmann, 147, 148. 

Wisdom of the Magi, 6. 

Witchcraft, 96. 

Wonders of Sagastan, 187 n. 5; 209; 
quoted, 212. 

Writing down of the Avesta, 97, 117. 


See also 


x 


Xanthus of Lydia, 9; cited under 
Nicolaus of Damascus and Diogenes 
Laertius, 2382, 241. 

Xenophon does not mention Z., 9. 

Xerxes, 128. 





INDEX 


Ws 

Yakut, 34n. 2; 204; allusions to Z., 
281-282 ; quoted, 197, 200. 

Yasht, 5. 108, 210; 18. 99-100, trans- 
lated, 81; 23. 4, 223. 

Yasna, 19. 18, quoted, 208; 46. 1, 207; 
46. 12, translated, 83; 46. 14 seq., 
translated, 76-77. 

Yatkar-i Zariran, § 52-56, quotation, 
115. 

Yazatas in Bindahishn, 50 n. 1. 

Yezd, portrait of Z. there, 288-289. 

Yezidis, 31, 223, 224. 

Yima, Yim, 11 n. 1; 23, 99. 

YOishtd yo Fryanaim, 84. 

YOsht-i Fryan6, 84. 

Yunan (i.e. Greece), 89. 

Yunani (i.e. Greek), 283. 


Z 


Zabilistan, 118, 212. 

Zairivairi, brother of Vishtaspa, 70, 
77; hero in first Holy War, 105. 
See also 85, 99, 108, 112, 114, 115, 
223 n. 4. 

Zak, a Karap, 57, 59. 

Zapaons, Gk. variant of Z.’s name, 12. 

*Zaraustra, supposed western form 
of Z.’s name, 138 n. 1. 

ZaraduStra, meaning of name, 12 seq. 

Zarathushtra. See Zoroaster. 

Zdparos, Gr. variant of Z.’s name, 12. 

Zaratusht, Phi. form of Z.’s name, 18. 

Zaratusht. See Zoroaster. 

Zaravastes, 12 n. 6. 

Zaravest, an Armenian form of Z.’s 
name, 12. 

Zarbisht (?), 97, 224 n. 2. 

Zardusht, Mod. Pers. form of Z.’s 
name, 13. See also Zoroaster. 

Zarér. See Zairivairi. 

Zdpns, Gk. variant of Z.’s name, 12. 

Zariadres, 73, 223 n. 4. 

Zarir, 77-78. See also Zairivairi. 

Zarshtan, 115. 


LIST OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 311 


Zartusht Namah, date and translation, 
5andn.1; passage quoted, 39. See 
also 293. 

Zadpavorns, Gk. variant of Z.’s name, 
12. 

Zat-sparam, as source for Z.’s life, 5; 
quoted, 32-33, 40, 204. 

Zwpéados, Gk. variant of Z.’s name, 12. 

Zoroaster (Zarathushtra, Zarattsht, 
Zardusht), as a religious teacher, 1; 
compared with Buddha, 1-3; as a 
historical personage, 3-4 ; a Magian 
and founder of the Magi, 6, 141, 275, 
277 ; called an astrologer, 125; is an 
Iranian, 10; is called Pers. law- 
giver, 11; sources of our knowledge 
regarding him: Avesta, Pahlavi, 
Arabic writings, 5-6; not men- 
tioned in Ancient Pers. Inscriptions, 
5.—Nameof Z. and its Mean- 
ing, 12, 18, 125, 147-149 (discus- 
sion) ; form in Armenian, 274-278 ; 
in Chinese, 280; in Greek, Latin, 
Pahlavi, Persian, 12, etc. —Date 
of Z., 14 seq. ; his date referred to, 
22; question of two Zoroasters, 153 ; 
date discussed, 150-178 ; date of his 
death, 180-182; is confused with 
other persons by some writers of 
antiquity, e.g. he is by some identi- 
fied with Ham, 125; also identified 
with Nimrod, 125; is said to be a 
contemporary of Smerdis, 167; ora 
contemporary of Cambyses, 167; his 
purported war with Ninus, 217; 
according to some he was made goy- 
ernor of Assyria, 275, 277; Z.’s 
name is associated by some Moham- 
medan authors with Jeremiah, who 
is even called his teacher, 30, 38, 163, 
165, 166; name associated with Bel, 
Baal, Balaam, 15 n.3; 286; name is 
associated with Ninus and Semiramis, 
274-278. Native Place of Z. 
and Scene of his Ministry: 
his birthplace referred to and his 
native home in Iran discussed, 22, 





182-295 ; according to some Moham- 
medan assertions he was a native of 
Palestine, 38; tradition as to his 
native city, 197 ; statements connect- 
ing Z. with Ragh, 204; conclusion 
as to his native place, 205; scene of 
his ministry discussed, 205-224, — 
Main Events of his Life: 
Z.’sfamily, 10-22 ; ancestry, 17 seq. ; 
father and mother, 18, see also Pou- 
rushaspa, Dughdhova ; brothers, 20 ; 
his ancestral tree, 19, 20; his coming 
foretold, 23; triumph over demons 
foreseen, 27; is foreordained to be 
the prophet of Ahura Mazda, 27 ; his 
birth is attended by prodigies, 26 ; he 
laughs instead of cries, 27 ; Ahriman 
flees, 27; Z.’s youth and education, 
29; he is taught by Burzin-Kuris, 
30; or by Aganaces, 30; we find Z.’s 
name associated with Jeremiah, 30 ; 
according to some legends a pupil or 
disciple of Jeremiah, 38, 163, 166; 
by some he is identified with Baruch, 
30; assumes the Kusti, 32; his mar- 
riage and his wives, 20, 33; his 
children, 21; his religious prepara- 
tion, 82-35; eclecticism in religious 
matters, 33; asceticism according to 
the classics, 34; he crosses the Dai- 
tya, 40, 211 ; Vohu Manah meets him 
and leads him into the presence of 
Ahura Mazda, 36; his first vision, 
40; he holds converse with Ahura 
Mazda, 41 ; he beholds visions of the 
Archangels (Amshaspands), 46-50 ; 
his second vision and conference with 
Vohu Manah, 46; third vision and 
conference with Asha Vahishta, 47 ; 
fourth vision and conference with 
Khshathra Vairya, 47; fifth vision 
and conference with Spenta Armaiti, 
48 ; sixth vision and conference with 
Haurvatat, 49; seventh vision and 
conference with Ameretat, 49; be- 
holds an apparition of Haoma, 50 ; 
sees other visions, 50; his tempta- 


312 


tion, 51-58, 207; receives instruc- 
tion and enters upon his ministry, 
34-35 ; begins preaching, 42, 196; 
preaches next-of-kin marriage, 43 ; 
tries to convert Vaédvdisht, 43; his 
wanderings, 200, 207; statements 
that he was in India, China, and 
among the Turanians, 39; in Seis- 
tan, 44; he tries to convert Parshat, 
44, 45; is for a time in the region of 
the Caspian Sea, 46, 47; prays to 
Ardvi Stra, 57 ; seeks Vishtaspa and 
meets him, 38-39, 59, 209; disputes 
with the wise men at V.’s court, 61, 
283 ; conspiracy against him, 62 ; he 
is imprisoned, 62; heals the king’s 
horse, 62; he then converts Visht- 
aspa, 64; meets the Archangels, 
65; he instructs Vishtaspa, 74; af- 
terwards he converts the Brahman 
Cangranghacah, 85-88 ; did he visit 
Babylon ? 90; his scientific know- 
ledge and purported scientific books, 
8, 95; converts a Kavig, 94; heals 
a blind man, 94; sees a revelation of 
the future, 97 ; is said to have proph- 
esied of Christ, 97-98 ; his successor 
is Jimaspa, 76; other apostles and 
disciples, 98, 136-138; purported 
sculptured portraits, 289-293 ; death 
at age of seventy-seven years, 119, 


INDEX 


124, 127, 181, 212.— Allusions 
to Z., in the classics and in other 
literatures, 6 and App. V., VI. ; cited 
under Pliny, Clemens Alex., Euse- 
bius, AZneas of Gaza, Origenes, Geo- 
ponica, 234, 240, 243, 248 ; allusions 
to him in Armenian literature, 274- 
278 ; alluded to hy Moses of Khorene, 
translation of passage given, 274- 
275; alluded to by Eliszeus, 276 ; by 
Eznik, 276; by Thomas Arzrouni, 
276-278 ; allusions to him in Chi- 
nese, 279-280; allusions to him in 
Syriac and Arabic literature, 281 ; 
in Mohammedan writings, 280-282. 

Zwpodorpys and other Gk. forms of Z.’s 
name, 12. 

Zoroastrian calendar, 174. 

Zoroastrian chronological tables, 179- 
181. 

Zoroastrian Logia, 168, 259 seq. 

Zoroastrian victories, 116 seq. 

Zoroastrianism, Holy Wars of, 102 seq. ; 
later development of, 133 seq. ; mod- 
ern, 142-143; spread of, 185-136; 
view as to eastern origin of, 186- 
188, 208-219; view as to western 
origin of, 189 seq., 219 seq. 

Zradasht, Armenian form of Z.’sname, 
13, 274-278. 

Zrvan, 274-278. 


KEY TO THE MAP 


KEY TO ten, MAP 


1. On Tranian geography, see especially Geiger in Grundriss der Iran. Philol. ii. 
371-394, where a Bibliography is given. 
2. Avestan, Pahlavi, or Ancient Persian names in the list are designated by 


italics. 


3. Conjectural identifications are indicated by (?) or by ‘prob.’ (probably). 


Abbasabad Gb 
Adarbaijan (Azerbijan) ABCabe 
Airyana Vaejah = Adarbaijan? ABCabe 


Alburz Mts. CDEFb 
Alvand Mt. Ce 
Amu Daria (see Oxus) 

Aras (Araxes) Ba 
Ardabil Ca 
Asnavant Mt. = Sahend ? 

Atropatene = see Adarbaijan 

Bactria KLMbe 
Badghis IKe 
Balkh Mb 
Barfrush Eb 
Behistan (Besitun) Be 
Binalud Kuh Hb 
Birjand Hd 
Bokhara La 


Caecista (Caecasta) Ab 
Caspian Sea = prob. Vourukasha ontee 
Cha-kansur Ik 
Chorasmia (see Kh.) 

Chorassan (see Kh.) 


Daitya river = Kizel Uzen ? BCb 
Darej river = Daryai Ba 
Demavand Mt. DEc 
Dinaver (Dinewer) (not on Map) Be 
Dranjiana IKe 
Ecbatana (Hamadan) Ce 
Elburz (see Alburz) 

Elvend = Alvand Ce 
Farah Rud IKde 
Fars (Persis) DEFefg 
Ferghanah (in Turkestan, NE) 

Ganzaca Bb 
Ghazni Nd 
Ghilan Cb 
Ghor Ld 
Ghuznee (see Ghazni) 

Gunabad Hb 
Hamadan (Ecbatana) Ce 
Hamun swamp Te 
Hara Berezaiti (see Alburz) 

Hassar (see Hissar) 

Herat Ke 
Hilmend River KLMe 
Hissar MNa 
Hyreania EFG 
Ispahan (Isfahan) Dd 


Istakhr = Persepolis (NE of Shiraz) Ef 
Jagatai Mts. Gb 


Jihun (Oxus) River IKab 
Kabul Ne 
Kaian (Kain) Hd 
Kansava = prob. Cha-kansur IKe 
Karman (see Kerman) 

Kashaf River Hb 


314 





Kerman Fe 
Kermanshah Be 
Khorasmia EFbe 
Khorassan FGHIed 
Kirmanshah Be 
Kizel Uzen (Sefid, Safed) River BCb 
Kuh-i Mish GHe 
Kumish GHe 
Kunduz Nb 
Kurdistan ABbe 
Lake Urumiah Ab 
Madan Hb 
Maragha Bb 
Mash-had Hb 
Mazanderan DEb 
Media CDEbe 
Merv IKb 
Meshed (see Mash-had) 

Miandasht Gb 
Mibr Gb 
Murghab River Kbe 
Nihavand Ce 
Nishabur (Nishapur) Hb 
Oxus (Jihun River) IKab 
Parthia FGbe 
Pasargadee Ee 
Persepolis (NE of Shiraz) Ef 
Persis (Fars) DEFefg 
Radkan H 
Ragha (Rai) De 
Rai De 
Safed, Sefid River (Kizel Uzen) BCb 
Sagastan (Seistan) IKLde 
Sahend, Mt. B 
Samarkand Ma 
Sari Eb 
Savalan Mt. Ba 
Sehna Be 
Seistan IKLde 
Shiraz Ef 
Shiz (ef. Takht-i Suleiman) Bb 
Sogdiana LMNa 
Spet Razhur H 
Susa Cd 
Taberistan Ee 
Tajan River (Thejend) Eb 
Takht-i Bostan Be 
Takht-i Suleiman Bb 
Teheran De 
Tojan =? see Tajan 

Turan = Turkestan 

Turkestan FMab 
Tus Hb 
Urumiah (Urmia) Ab 
Vourukasha = prob. Caspian Sea 

Yazd (Yezd) Fe 
Zenjan Cb 


PUBLICATIONS OF THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 


CLASSICAL STUDIES 


IN HONOUR OF 


HENRY DRISLER 
WITH PORTRAIT AND ILLUSTRATIONS 


8vo. Cloth. pp. vili+ 310. $4.00, net 


CONTENTS 


On the meaning of zawfa and viator in Horace, Sat. I. 5, 11-23. By SIDNEY 
G. ASHMORE.— Anaximander on the Prolongation of Infancy in Man. By 
NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER.— Of Two Passages in Euripides’ Medea. By 
MORTIMER LAMSON EARLE.—The Preliminary Military Service of the 
Equestrian Cursus Honorum. By JAMES C. EGBERT, Jr.— References to 
Zoroaster in Syriac and Arabic Literature. By RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL. — 
Literary Frauds among the Greeks. By ALFRED GUDEMAN.— Henotheism in 
the Rig-Veda. By EDWARD WASHBURN HOPKINS.— On Plato and the Attic 
Comedy. By GEORGE B. HUssEY.— Herodotus VII. 61, or Ancient Persian 
Armour. By A. V. WILLIAMS JACKSON.—Archaism in Aulus Gellius. By 
CHARLES KNAPP.—On Certain Parallelisms between the Ancient and the 
Modern Drama. BY BRANDER MATTHEWS.— Ovid's Use of Colour and 
Colour-Terms. By NELSON GLENN MCCREA.—A Bronze of Polyclitan 
Affinities in the Metropolitan Museum. By A. C. MERRIAM. — Geryon 
in Cyprus. By A. C. MERRIAM.— Hercules, Hydra, and the Crab. By 
A. C. MERRIAM. — Onomatopoetic Words in Latin. By H. T. PECK. — Notes 
on the Vedic Deity Pusan. By E. D. PERRY.—The So-Called Medusa 
Ludovisi. By JULIUS SACHS.—Aristotle and the Arabs. By WILLIAM M. 
SLOANE. — Iphigenia in Greek and French Tragedy. By BENJAMIN DURYEA 
WOODWARD. — Gargettus, an Attic Deme. By C. H. YOUNG. 


THE  MACMILEAN COMPANY 


66 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK 


FROM THE PRESS 


“Many glimpses of fields almost untrodden in Greek and Latin literature are given in this 
volume.’ — The New York Tribune. 


** A recent publication which will appeal to every American scholar. . . . The papers are 
kept strictly within the lines of scholarship and criticism in which Dr. Drisler himself has 
been engaged. On the part of the contributors they are an offering of what is choicest and 
best in their own profession, a rich and delightful inosaic of American scholarship, which will 
bear study part by part, and which, in the combined setting of the parts, is an incomparable 
tribute to the incomparable Nestor of our American Greek schools.” — The Independent. 


“« The circumstances of the issue of this handsome volume give it an emotional interest, 
which makes it a volume separate and distinct among the collected records of the investiga- 
tions of scholars. It is a gathering of twenty-one studies of classical problems, printed as a 
tribute to one of the best-known classical students of the present day, at the conclusion of 
fifty years of his service in a single institution. ... These circumstances give this volume 
an interest to all persons concerned with scholarship and university influences. The studies 
themselves, for the most part, appeal in the first instance to specialists, but many of them 
have a much wider interest. . . . The book is a credit to American scholarship, as well as a 
fit tribute to the honored name of Professor Drisler.’”? — The Oxtlook. 


“Entirely apart from the special interest which its contents possess for the student of the 
classics, the publication of this handsomely printed volume has some features that are of general 
significance. It gives evidence, for one thing, of the Germanization of our classical scholars, 
not only in their methods of research and the other weightier matters of the law, but also in 
the minor points of academic custom and tradition. In Germany it has long been the practice 
for the friends and former pupils of a distinguished scholar to celebrate some epoch of his 
career by the publication, in his honor, of a collection of scientific monographs relating 
to the special subjects in which his life-work has been spent and his reputation won. . . . 
So far as the writer knows, the work that has just appeared from the new Columbia University 
Press — the first to be issued by that organization — is the only one of the kind yet published 
in honor of an English-speaking scholar. . . . This collection of monographs is particularly 
instructive as practically illustrating the economic principle of the division of labor applied to 
scholarly pursuits. The stock charge that has been brought against the intense and minute 
specialization of the present day, is that specialists in their devotion, each to his own limited 
field of research, lose their sense of perspective, despise the equally important labors of their 
fellow-specialists, and come to feel that the part is greater than the whole. Such a volume as 
the present affords a practical and ample refutation of that view. Here we see investigators 
in many different fields of study, not only using in their own work the garnered results of 
other specialists, but ably and effectively throwing upon the problems of other workers the 
special knowledge that their own research has enabled them to give. . . . The appearance of 
the volume is unusually attractive and reflects credit upon the Columbia University Press, 
whose work of publication is thus so appropriately and so auspiciously begun.” — The Edu- 
cational Review. 





THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 


66 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORE 





BL1555 .J12 
Zoroaster, the prophet of ancient Iran, 


Princeton Theological Seminary—Speer Library 


1 1012 00009 8212 

















DATE DUE 





GAYLORD #3523PI Printed in USA 


Men bese 
Ors War a 
mt! Ae* } y yan 
A gy al Wh oe i 
ek j / 


y fo 


i “ iiae 
Ma, 


ni an’ sya 





Pare : 
EWA We WE LE ard hs “ : 
Spitatat a neiee is feared . baecuirtea oe a 
Fie eT Idavepe atte } ! ; ie ata ii sep 
oceanic mi i iis Nps | 43 A 4 } thse on y we 
ie tigeaatannmoahitit a detlinadl ati r yet? 
ie 
Heid ‘ 
Pao iM F Pie t , é 








ee 





i i = 


F ‘ 
yi 





